FORTY-SEVEN (Part 3)
1997年下半年大事记，江泽民访美
In early July, Hillary, Chelsea, and I, after a couple of relaxing days with King Juan Carlos and Queen Sofia on the island of Majorca, were in Madrid for the NATO meeting. I had a fruitful discussion with the Spanish president, Jos Mara Aznar, who had just decided to fully integrate Spain into NATO’s command structure. Then NATO voted to admit Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, and made clear to the two dozen other nations that had joined the Partnership for Peace that NATO’s door remained open to new members. From the beginning of my presidency, I had pushed for the expansion of NATO and believed this historic step would help both to unify Europe and to maintain the trans-Atlantic alliance.
7月初，我、希拉里、切尔西在马略卡岛与西班牙国王胡安·卡洛斯和王后索菲娅度过了几天轻松的日子，然后前往马德里参加北约会议。我与西班牙首相何塞·玛拉·阿斯纳尔进行了一次颇有收获的讨论，他刚决定让西班牙完全融入北约的统领结构。北约投票接纳了波兰、匈牙利和捷克共和国，清楚地向其它已加入和平伙伴关系的20多个国家表明，北约的大门继续向新成员敞开。自我就任总统开始，就敦促扩大北约，我相信这历史性的一步不仅能使欧洲团结起来，还能继续维持跨大西洋联盟。
The next day we signed a partnership agreement with Ukraine, and I left for stops in Poland, Romania, and Denmark to reinforce the meaning of NATO expansion. There were large, enthusiastic crowds in Warsaw, Bucharest, and Copenhagen. In Poland, they were celebrating their new NATO membership. In Bucharest, about 100,000 people chanted U.S.A, U.S.A.! to demonstrate their support for democracy and their desire to enter NATO as soon as possible. In Copenhagen, on a bright sunny day, the size and enthusiasm of the crowd reflected an affirmation of our alliance and an appreciation of the fact that I was the first sitting President ever to visit Denmark.
第二天，我们与乌克兰签署了一份伙伴关系协议，然后前往波兰、罗马尼亚和丹麦强调北约扩大的意义。在华沙、布加勒斯特和哥本哈根聚集了大量热情的群众。在波兰，人们正在为成为北约新成员国而庆祝。在布加勒斯特，约10万人高喊“美国，美国！”表明他们对民主政体的支持和他们想尽快加入北约的愿望。在哥本哈根，这天阳光明媚，群众的规模和热情反映了他们对我们联盟的认可，以及对我这个第一位访问丹麦的在任美国总统的感激之情。
By mid-month, I was back at work in the White House, proposing legislation to ban discrimination based on genetic screening. Scientists were rapidly unlocking the mysteries of the human genome, and their discoveries were likely to save millions of lives and revolutionize health care. But genetic testing would also reveal an individuals propensity to develop various illnesses, like breast cancer or Parkinsons. We couldn’t allow the results of genetic tests to be the basis for denying health insurance or access to a job, and we didn’t want to discourage people from undergoing them out of fear that the results would be used against them rather than to lengthen their lives.
中旬，我重新投入到白宫的工作中，提议立法禁止基于基因筛选的歧视。科学家正在快速揭开人类基因组的奥秘，他们的发现很有可能会挽救数百万人的生命，并在医疗保健领域引起根本改变。但基因测试也揭示了个人可能会得各种各样不同疾病的倾向，比如乳腺癌或帕金森氏病。我们不能允许基因测试结果成为拒绝受理医疗保险保单或拒绝提供工作的理由，而且我们不想让人们因害怕而不愿接受测试，因为测试结果会成为对他们不利的工具而不是延长他们的生命。
At about the same time, the IRA restored the cease-fire it had broken in February 1996. I had pushed hard for the cease-fire, and it would hold this time, making it possible at last for the Irish to find their way through the thicket of accumulated hurt and suspicion to a shared future.
几乎在同时，爱尔兰共和军恢复了1996年2月被它打破的停火协议。我已强烈敦促停火，这次停火有望保持下去，爱尔兰人至少有可能从积怨和怀疑的盘根错节中找出一条通向共同未来的道路。
As July was drawing to a close, we still hadn’t been able to agree on a detailed budget consistent with the earlier, more general agreement with the Republicans. We remained at odds over the size and shape of the tax cuts and over the allocation of new funds. While our team continued to negotiate with Congress, I went on with the rest of my job, asserting that, contrary to the dominant opinion in Congress, global warming was a reality and that we had to cut our greenhouse gas emissions, and holding a forum with Al Gore and other federal and state officials at Incline Village, Nevada, on the condition of Lake Tahoe.
7月快结束时，我们还是不能与共和党在较早前达成的比较笼统的协议上就详细预算案达成一致。我们在税收削减的规模和形式以及新投资基金的分配上仍有争执。在我们的小组与国会继续谈判时，我继续做剩下的工作，与国会的主流观点相反，我断言，全球变暖已是一个现实，我们必须减少温室效应气体排放。在内华达州的英克莱因村，我与艾尔·戈尔及联邦及州的其他官员举办了一个论坛，讨论塔霍湖的状况。
Tahoe was one of the deepest, purest, cleanest lakes in the world, but its quality was degrading as a result of development, air pollution from traffic, and direct pollution from fuel that was discharged into the water from inefficient motorboats and Jet Ski engines. There was broad bipartisan support in California and Nevada for restoring the lake, and Al and I were determined to do everything possible to help.
塔霍湖是世界上最深、最纯净的湖之一，由于开发，交通造成的空气污染，还有不节能的摩托艇和喷气滑水引擎直接排入湖水中的燃料污染正在使水质下降。在加州和内华达州，要求拯救塔霍湖的呼声得到了两党的广泛支持，我和艾尔决心尽我们所能提供帮助。
At the end of the month, after I spoke to the National Governors Association in Las Vegas, Governor Bob Miller took me and several of my former colleagues to play golf with Michael Jordan. I had started playing again only two weeks earlier and was still wearing a soft leg brace for protection. I didn’t really think I needed it anymore, so I took it off for the golf match.
当月月末，我在拉斯韦加斯的全国州长协会发言后，州长鲍勃·米勒带我和我以前的几个同事去和迈克尔·乔丹一起打高尔夫球。我从两周前才开始再次打球，而且现在还戴着软大腿支架以保护受伤的腿。我不认为我真的需要这个支架，于是比赛时把它脱了下来。
Jordan was a great golfer, a long if sometimes erratic driver who also had a great short game. I got some insight into why he had won so many NBA championships when our group played a short par-five hole. All five of us had a good chance to make a birdie four. Jordan looked at his forty-five-foot downhill breaking putt and said, Well, I guess I have to make this to win the hole. I could tell by the look in his eyes that he actually expected to make the difficult putt. He did, and won the hole.
乔丹是一个很棒的高尔夫球手，这样一个高得出奇的人，也能在矮个子的比赛中表现出色。当我们在打标准5杆洞时，我悟到为什么他能赢得这么多的NBA总冠军。我们所有5个人都在第4杆时有一个好机会打出小鸟球。乔丹看着他的45英尺下坡最后决定胜负的一击，说：“我猜我只有打出一个小鸟球，才能赢得这一杆。”我可以从他的眼睛里看出来，他事实上是期望做高难度的轻击。他这么做了，而且成功了。
Jordan told me I’d play better if I put my leg brace back on: Your body doesn’t need it anymore, but your mind doesn’t know it yet. One reason I wasn’t playing better is that I was constantly on the phone to the White House for an update on the budget negotiations, as we made last-minute offers and compromises in an effort to conclude them.
乔丹跟我说，如果我戴上我的大腿支架还能打得更好，“你的身体不再需要它，可你的意识还不知道”。我不能发挥得更好的一个原因是我不停地和白宫通电话，想知道预算案谈判的最新进展，为了结束谈判，我们尽力做了最后的提议和妥协。
A little more than halfway through the match, Rahm Emanuel called to say we had a deal. Then Erskine called to confirm it and tell me how good it was. We got all our education and health money, the tax cut was modest, about 10 percent of the Reagan cut in 81, the Medicare savings were manageable, the middle-class tax cuts were in, the capital gains tax rate would be reduced from 28 to 20 percent, and everyone agreed that the budget would be balanced by 2002, and probably before then if the economy kept growing. Erskine and our whole team, especially my legislative aide, John Hilley, had done a great job. I was so happy I parred the next three holes, with my leg brace back on.
比赛进行到一半多一点儿，拉姆·伊曼纽尔打来电话说，我们已达成了一个协议。然后厄斯金打电话确认了这个消息，并告诉我，协议很不错。我们所有的教育和医保基金批准了，税收削减也很合理，是1981年里根时期税减的10％左右，医疗保障方案的储备金可以应付，中产阶级减税也在其中，资本收益税率从28％减到20％，每个人都同意国家财政预算在2002年就能持平，如果经济继续增长，可能在这之前就能达到平衡。厄斯金和我们整个小组都表现出色，尤其是我的立法助理约翰·希利。我很高兴，所以后来我戴上了大腿支架，接下来的三个洞，我没有失手。
The next day we had a big celebration on the South Lawn with all the members of Congress and the administration who had worked on the budget. The atmosphere was euphoric and the speeches were warm, generous, and bipartisan, although I did go out of my way to thank the Democrats, especially Ted Kennedy, Jay Rockefeller, and Hillary, for the children’s health plan. Because the deficit had already been reduced by more than 80 percent from its $290 billion high in 1993, the agreement was basically a progressive budget, with middle-class tax cuts I supported and the Republican capital gains cut. In addition to the health, education, and tax cut provisions, it raised the cigarette tax fifteen cents a pack to help pay for the children’s health insurance, restored $12 billion in disability and health benefits to legal immigrants, doubled the number of empowerment zones, and gave us the money to continue cleaning up the environment.
第二天，所有曾为预算案努力过的国会和政府部门成员在南草坪上参加了一个盛大庆典。庆典气氛愉悦，演说热情洋溢，虽然我特意为儿童保健计划对民主党人表示感谢，尤其是特德·肯尼迪、杰伊·洛克菲勒和希拉里，在演讲中我还是赞许了两党合作的精神。由于赤字已从1993年高峰时的2900亿美元减少了80％以上，这个协议基本上是一个有进步意义的预算案，包括了我支持的针对中产阶级的减税和共和党支持的资本收益削减。除了保健、教育和减税条款，协议规定每包烟加征15美分税，这是为了帮助支付儿童医疗保险，还恢复了对合法移民的120亿美元的残疾和医疗补助，把开发区增加了一倍，向政府批准资金来继续净化环境。
With all the sweetness and light at the White House that day, it was hard to remember that we’d been at each others throats for more than two years. I didn’t know how long the good feelings would last, but I’d worked hard to keep things more civil during the stressful negotiations. A few weeks earlier Trent Lott, who was miffed about having lost a minor legislative battle to the White House, had called me a spoiled brat on one of the Sunday-morning talk shows. A few days after Lott’s remarks I called and told him I knew what had happened and not to give it a second thought. After a hard week he had awakened on Sunday morning feeling bad and wishing he had never agreed to do the TV interview. He was tired and irritable, and when the interviewer goaded him about me he took the bait. He laughed and said, That’s exactly what happened, and the matter was behind us.
那天在白宫洋溢的甜蜜而又轻松的氛围中，真是很难想起我们曾经针锋相对了两年多。我不知道这样的好感觉能持续多久，但是在紧张的谈判过程中，我已努力做到始终保持较文明的状态。几周前，特伦特·洛特因为在一场立法方面的小战役上输给白宫而恼羞成怒，在周日早晨的一个谈话节目中曾称我为“一个被宠坏的小鬼头”。洛特说这话几天后，我给他打电话，告诉他，我知道发生了什么，但我不会介怀这事。经过一周的紧张工作，他在星期天早晨醒过来的时候感觉差极了，他希望自己从来也没有同意接受那次电视采访。他只是累了，而且脾气也不好，当采访者用我去激怒他时，他就上套了。他笑着说，“那就是发生的一切”，我们不再去想这事。
Most people who work hard under a lot of pressure occasionally say things they wish they hadn’t; I certainly had. Usually, I didn’t even read what the Republicans were saying about me, and if a harsh comment came to my attention I tried to ignore it. People hire Presidents to act for them; getting agitated about personal slights interferes with that. I’m glad I called Trent Lott and wish I’d made more calls like it in similar situations.
大多数在高压之下做事的人偶尔会说一些他们后悔的话；我就说过。通常，我甚至不去阅读了解共和党人对我的谈论，如果一些刺耳的评价被我注意到，我也试图不去理会。美国人民雇用总统是为了替他们办事；为个人的小事情发火只会干扰总统的正常工作。我很高兴我给特伦特·洛特打了电话，也希望我能在相似的情形下打更多类似的电话。
I didn’t feel the same sense of detachment toward Ken Starr’s continuing efforts to coerce people into making false charges against Hillary and me, and to prosecute those who refused to lie for him. In April, Jim McDougal, having changed his story to suit Starr and his deputy in Arkansas, Hick Ewing, finally went to jail with a recommendation from Starr that his sentence be shortened. Starr had done the same thing for David Hale.
但对肯·斯塔尔的行为又另当别论了，他强迫人们对希拉里和我进行诬陷，而且起诉那些拒绝为他撒谎的人。4月，吉姆·麦克道戈尔在改变了供词以迎合斯塔尔及其在阿肯色州的代理人希克·尤因后，最终进了监狱，不过斯塔尔建议缩短刑期。斯塔尔对戴维·黑尔也干了相同的事。
Starr’s coddling of McDougal and Hale was in sharp contrast to his treatment of Susan McDougal, who was still being held in prison for contempt because of her refusal to answer Starr’s questions before the grand jury. After a brief period in an Arkansas county jail, to which she was led in handcuffs, leg manacles, and a waist chain, Susan was transferred to a federal facility, where she was kept apart from the other prisoners in a medical unit for a few months. She was then taken to a Los Angeles jail to answer charges there that she had embezzled funds from a former employer. When newly discovered documentary evidence shredded the prosecutions case, she was acquitted. Meanwhile, she was forced to spend twenty-three hours a day in a windowless cell block usually inhabited by convicted murderers. She was also forced to wear a red dress, normally worn only by murderers and child molesters. After a few months of that, she was put in a Plexiglas cell in the middle of a jail pod; she couldn’t talk to other inmates, watch television, or even hear outside sounds. On the prison bus to her court appearances, she was put in a separate cage otherwise reserved for dangerous criminals. Her Hannibal Lecter-like confinement finally came to an end on July 30, after the American Civil Liberties Union filed a suit alleging that McDougal was being held in barbaric conditions at Starr’s request, in an attempt to coerce her to testify.
斯塔尔对麦克道戈尔和黑尔的宽容对待与他对待苏珊·麦克道戈尔的方式形成了鲜明对比，苏珊因藐视法庭罪入狱，因为她拒绝在大陪审团面前回答斯塔尔的问题。苏珊在阿肯色县监狱待了短暂一段时间，在那里，她手上戴着手铐，脚上戴着脚镣，腰里还有一条腰链。之后，她被移交给一个联邦机构，她在一个医疗单位住了几个月，但与其他犯人分开。然后，她被带到洛杉矶监狱回答指控，说她从洛杉矶的以前的一个雇主那里挪用了资金。当新找到的文件证据粉碎了对她的指控后，她被宣告无罪。在这期间，她被迫每天23个小时待在一个通常是被裁定有罪的谋杀犯住的没有窗户的单身牢房里。她还被迫穿着一件通常是谋杀犯和儿童性骚扰犯才穿的红囚服。几个月后，她被投入一座监狱中部的一间树脂玻璃制成的单身牢房；她无法与其他犯人说话、看电视、甚至听到外面的声音。在送她出庭的监狱汽车上，她被关在专门预留来囚禁危险罪犯的车厢里。她那汉尼拔·莱克特式的囚禁于7月30日结束了，之前美国公民自由联盟就提起诉讼，指控是斯塔尔要求把麦克道戈尔囚禁在粗鄙的环境中，为的是逼她作证。
Years later, when I read McDougal’s book, The Woman Who Wouldn’t Talk, it sent chills up my spine. She could have ended her suffering at any time, and made a lot of money to boot, just by telling the lies Starr and Hick Ewing wanted her to tell. How she stood up to them I’ll never know, but the sight of her in chains finally began to penetrate the shield the Whitewater reporters had erected around Starr and his staff.
数年后，当我阅读麦克道戈尔的书《一个愿招供的女人》时；感到一阵寒意直到骨子里。她本来可以在任何时候结束这种折磨，此外还可以从中获得很多金钱，只需要讲出斯塔尔和希克·尤因想让她说的谎话。她如何经受住他们的考验，我永远不得知，但她戴着镣铐的情景最终开始穿透报导白水事件记者建立起来的包围着斯塔尔和他工作人员的保护罩。
Late in the spring, the Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the Paula Jone’s suit could go forward while I was still in the White House, dismissing my attorney’s arguments that the work of the presidency should not be interrupted by the suit, since it could be litigated at the end of my term. The Courts previous decisions had indicated that a sitting President could not be the subject of a civil suit arising out of his official actions while President because the defense would be too distracting and time-consuming. The Court said that adopting a principle of delay in involving a President’s unofficial acts could cause harm to the other party in the suit, so Jones’s suit should not be delayed. Besides, the Court said, defending the suit wouldn’t be unduly burdensome or time-consuming for me. It was one of the most politically naive decisions the Supreme Court had made in a long time.
春末，最高法院一致判决，我担任总统期间，葆拉·琼斯提出的诉讼案可以继续进行下去，我的律师的论点被驳回，我的律师提出，我担任总统期间的工作不应受到诉讼干扰，可以在以后我任期结束时再提出诉讼。最高法院以前的判决表明，在职总统不该是他担任总统期间的官方行为所引发的民事诉讼的对象，因为辩护太让人分心，而且消耗时间。最高法院声称，对一位总统的非官方行为采取延迟原则会伤害到诉讼的另一方，因此琼斯案不应被延迟处理。此外，最高法院还声称，为这个案件辩护不会对我造成不合适的负担或时间消耗。这是最高法院在很长时间内做出的一项最政治化的幼稚判决。
On June 25 the Washington Post reported that Kenneth Starr was investigating rumors that twelve to fifteen women, including Jones, had been involved with me. He said he had no interest in my sex life; he just wanted to question anyone with whom I might have had a conversation about Whitewater. Eventually Starr would deploy scores of FBI agents, as well as taxpayer-funded private investigators, to look into the subject in which he professed no interest.
6月25日，《华盛顿邮报》报道说，肯尼斯·斯塔尔在调查一些谣言，据称，包括琼斯在内有12名到15名妇女与我有染。斯塔尔说，他对我的性生活没有兴趣；他只是想询问那些可能我曾经与之谈论过白水事件的女人。最后斯塔尔派了几十名联邦调查局特工，还有用纳税人的钱支付的私人调查员来调查这件他公开表示没有兴趣的事情。
By the end of July, I was getting concerned about the FBI, for reasons far more important than the bureaus sex inquiries for Ken Starr. There had been a whole series of missteps on Louis Freeh’s watch: botched reports from the FBI forensic laboratory that threatened several pending criminal cases; large cost overruns on two computer systems designed to upgrade the National Crime Information Center and to provide quick fingerprint checks to police officers all across the country; the release of FBI files on Republican officials to the White House; and the naming and apparent attempted entrapment of Richard Jewell, a suspect in the Olympic bombing case who was subsequently cleared. There was also a criminal inquiry under way into the conduct of Freeh’s deputy, Larry Potts, in the deadly standoff at Ruby Ridge in 1992, for which the FBI had been heavily criticized and Potts had been censured before Freeh appointed him.
7月底，我开始关注联邦调查局，为的是比它为斯塔尔做性调查更重要的事。在路易斯·弗里的监管下，出现了一系列失误：联邦调查局法证实验室的差强人意的报告威胁到几个急迫的刑事悬案的侦破；两套计算机系统开支大大超过限额，这两套系统是为了让国家犯罪信息中心升级和给全国警官提供指纹迅速查对而设计的；联邦调查局把关于共和党官员的档案转给白宫；指认并显然是诱捕了理查德·朱厄尔，他是奥林匹克炸弹案的一名疑犯，随后罪名被洗清了。还有一件正在进行的刑事调查，针对的是1992年在卢比里奇一场殊死决战中弗里的副手拉里·波茨的行为，联邦调查局为此受到严厉批评，在弗里任命他之前，波茨受到了公开谴责。
Freeh had been criticized in the press and by Republicans in Congress, who cited the FBI missteps as the reason for their refusal to pass the provision in my anti-terrorism legislation that would have given the agency wiretap authority to track suspected terrorists as they moved from place to place.
弗里在那时一直受到媒体批评，也受到国会共和党议员的批评，他们以联邦调查局的不合理行为作为理由来拒绝通过我反恐立法中的相关条款，该条款会授权联邦调查局通过窃听来追踪那些从一地搬到另一地的恐怖分子嫌疑人。
There was one sure way for Freeh to please the Republicans in Congress and get the press off his back: he could assume an adversarial position toward the White House. Whether out of conviction or necessity, Freeh had begun to do just that. When the files case became public, his initial reaction was to blame the White House and decline to accept any responsibility for the FBI. When the campaign finance story broke, he wrote Janet Reno a memo that was leaked to the press, urging her to appoint an independent counsel. When reports surfaced of possible attempts by the Chinese government to funnel illegal contributions to members of Congress in 1996, lower-level agents briefed people well down the chain of command in the National Security Council about it and urged them not to tell their superiors. When Madeleine Albright was preparing to go to China, the White House counsel, Chuck Ruff, a respected former U.S. attorney and Justice Department official, asked the FBI for information about Beijing’s plans to influence the government. This was clearly something the secretary of state needed to know about before meeting with the Chinese, but Freeh personally ordered the FBI not to send its prepared reply, despite the fact that it had been approved by the Justice Department and two of Freeh’s top assistants.
有一个方法肯定能让弗里使国会的共和党议员满意，并摆脱媒体的纠缠：他可以与白宫采取敌对立场。无论是出于信念或必要性，弗里已经开始这么做了。当档案公开的时候，他最初的反应是责怪白宫，并拒绝为联邦调查局承担任何责任。当竞选资金的报道被踢爆的时候，他把透露给媒体的资料写成一份备忘录给了珍妮特·雷诺，并恳请她任命一名独立检察官。当中国政府在1996年可能试图给国会成员非法捐赠的报告被披露后，职位较低的探员向国家安全委员会的下层人士通报了情况，并敦促他们不要报告上司。当马德莱娜·奥尔布赖特准备前往中国时，白宫法律顾问查克·拉夫，一位受人尊敬的前联邦检察官和司法部官员，就中国政府试图影响美国政府的计划向联邦调查局问询。显然这是国务卿在与中国人会晤之前必须要知道的事情，但弗里个人命令联邦调查局不要把其已准备好的答复送给奥尔布赖特，尽管这件事情已得到司法部以及弗里的两位最高级别助理的同意。
I didn’t believe Freeh was foolish enough to think the Democratic Party would knowingly accept illegal contributions from the Chinese government; he was just trying to avoid criticism from the press and the Republicans, even if it damaged our foreign policy operations. I thought back to the call I had received the day before I appointed Freeh from the retired FBI agent in Arkansas pleading with me not to name him and warning that he would sell me down the river the minute it would benefit him to do so.
我相信弗里不会傻到相信民主党会在知情情况下接受中国政府的非法捐赠；他只是在尽量避免受到媒体和共和党人的批评，即便这么做损害了我们的外交政策的运作。我想起我在任命弗里的前一天接到的一个电话，是一位在阿肯色州的联邦调查局退休特工打来的，他恳请我不要任命弗里，并告诫我，只要有利可图，弗里就会马上出卖我。
Whatever Freeh’s motives, the behavior of the FBI toward the White House was just one more example of how crazy Washington had become. The country was in good shape and getting better, and we were advancing peace and prosperity throughout the world, yet the mindless search for scandal continued. A few months earlier Tom Oliphant, the thoughtful and independent-minded Boston Globe columnist, summed up the situation well:
无论弗里的动机是什么，联邦调查局对待白宫的行为只不过是表明华盛顿已变得多么疯狂的又一个例子。这个国家状态良好，而且正在变得更好，我们在全世界推进和平与繁荣，而对丑闻的没有头脑的调查却仍在继续。几个月前，《波士顿环球报》很有思想并有独立见解的专栏作者汤姆·奥利芬特，很好地总结了这种情景：
The grand and vainglorious forces running The Great American Scandal Machine are very big on how things seem. The machine’s lifeblood is appearances, which generate questions, creating more appearances, all in turn generating a righteous frenzy that demands intense inquiry by super-scrupulous inquisitors who must at all costs be independent. The frenzy, of course, can be resisted only by the complicit and the guilty.
使“美国巨型丑闻制造机”运转的宏大而又虚荣的力量，对事情看起来是什么情况影响很大。这台机器的活力的源泉是表象，外表产生问题，创造更多的表象，所有的一切反过来产生一种正义的狂怒，它要求极细心的审查者详细调查，他们无论如何都必须是独立调查者。这种狂怒，当然，只有同谋犯和罪犯才能抵制得了。
August began with good and bad news. Unemployment was down to 4.8 percent, the lowest since 1973, and confidence in the future remained high in the aftermath of the bipartisan balanced budget agreement. On the other hand, the cooperation didn’t extend to the appointments process: Jesse Helms was holding up my nomination of the Republican governor of Massachusetts, Bill Weld, to be ambassador to Mexico because he felt Weld had insulted him, and Janet Reno told the American Bar Association that there were 101 vacant federal judgeships because the Senate had confirmed only nine of my nominees in 1997, none for the court of appeals.
8月的到来，既有好消息又有坏消息。失业率降到4.8％，是1973年以来的最低点，两党达成协议通过了平衡预算案后，人们对未来的信心保持高位。另一方面，这种合作精神并没有延伸到任命程序上。杰西·赫尔姆斯阻止我任命马萨诸塞州的共和党州长比尔·韦尔德为墨西哥大使，因为他觉得韦尔德曾侮辱过他，珍妮特·雷诺对美国律师协会说，有101个联邦法官的职位空缺，因为参议院在1997年只批准了我任命的九个人，没有一个人被批准担任上诉法院法官。
After a two-year hiatus, our family went back to Martha’s Vineyard for our August vacation. We stayed at the home of our friend Dick Friedman near Oyster Pond. I celebrated my birthday by going for a jog with Chelsea, and I persuaded Hillary to play her annual round of golf with me at the Mink Meadows public course. She had never liked golf, but once a year she humored me by strolling around a few holes. I also played a lot of golf with Vernon Jordan at the wonderful old Farm Neck course. He liked the game a lot more than Hillary did.
我们一家8月休假的时候回到了玛莎葡萄园岛，上次去那里休假还是两年之前。我们待在我们的朋友迪克·弗里德曼的家里，他的家靠近牡蛎池塘。我和切尔西一起出去慢跑，以此庆祝我的生日，我还劝说希拉里和我一起在明克草场的公共球场进行我们两人之间每年的高尔夫球赛。她从不喜欢高尔夫球，但每年都会迁就我一次，她会围着几个球洞走上一圈。我还和弗农·乔丹在风景优美的老内克农场球场打过许多场高尔夫球赛。比起希拉里，他对高尔夫球可喜欢得多。
The month ended as it began, with both good and bad news. On the twenty-ninth, Tony Blair invited Sinn Fein to join the Irish peace talks, giving the party formal standing for the first time. On the thirty-first, Princess Diana was killed in an auto crash in Paris. Less than a week later, Mother Teresa died. Hillary was very saddened by their deaths. She had known and liked both of them very much, and she represented the United States at both funerals, flying first to London, then to Calcutta a few days later.
这个月的结束就像开始时一样，有好消息也有坏消息。29日，托尼·布莱尔邀请新芬党参加爱尔兰和平会谈，这是第一次给这个党以正式地位。31日，戴安娜王妃在巴黎撞车香消玉陨。不到一周后，特雷莎修女也死了。她们的死让希拉里很伤心。她对她们非常了解，也喜欢她们，在两次葬礼上，她代表美国出席，先是飞到伦敦，几天后又飞到了加尔各答。
During August, I also had to announce a major disappointment: the United States would not be able to sign the international treaty banning land mines. The circumstances leading to our exclusion were almost bizarre. The United States had spent $153 million on demining all over the world since 1993; we had recently lost a plane with nine people on board after depositing a demining team in southwest Africa; we had trained more than 25 percent of the worlds demining experts; and we had destroyed 1.5 million of our own mines, with another 1.5 million scheduled to be destroyed by 1999. No other nation had done as much as America to rid the world of dangerous land mines.
8月的期间，我还不得不宣布一件很让人失望的事情：美国将不会签署禁止地雷的国际条约。导致我们退出该条约的客观形式非常奇特。从1993年以来，美国已花了1.53亿美元在世界各地排雷；最近在南非，我们的一架飞机在运送完一支排雷队后于飞行途中坠毁，机上九人全部遇难；我们已销毁了150万枚自己的地雷，另外到1999年，我们计划再销毁150万枚。没有任何一个国家像美国这样做了这么多消除世界上的危险地雷的工作。
Near the end of negotiations on the treaty, I had asked for two amendments: an exception for the heavily marked UN-sanctioned minefield along the Korean border, which protected the people of South Korea and our troops there; and a rewording of the provision approving anti-tank missiles that covered those manufactured in Europe but not ours. Ours were just as safe and worked better to protect our troops. Both amendments were rejected, partly because the Landmine Conference was determined to pass the strongest possible treaty in the wake of the death of its most famous champion, Princess Diana, and partly because some people at the conference just wanted to embarrass the United States or bully us into signing the treaty as it was. I hated not to be part of the international agreement because it undermined our leverage in trying to stop the manufacture and use of more land mines, some of which could be bought for as little as three dollars each, but I couldn’t put the safety of our troops or the people of South Korea at risk.
在该条约谈判的最后时刻，我曾经要求进行两项修改：要求把沿着韩朝边境的那经过联合国批准的有显著标记的雷场看作例外，因为它们在保护韩国人和我们在那里的军队；对那个批准欧洲生产的但不批准我国生产的反坦克导弹的条款进行重新措辞。我们的反坦克导弹是一样安全的，而且可以更好地保护我们的军队。但这两项修正条款被拒绝了，部分是因为这个地雷的协商会决心要尽可能的通过这个最强势的条约，以纪念这方面最著名的支持者戴安娜王妃的去世，部分是因为会议上一些人想让美国难堪，或要威逼我们签署未修改的协议。我不喜欢我们被排除在这个国际协议之外，因为它有损于我们在试图阻止更多的地雷的生产和使用上的影响力，有些地雷只要三美元就能买到一个，但我不能拿我们军队或韩国人民的安全去冒险。
On September 18, Hillary and I took Chelsea to Stanford. We wanted her new life to be as normal as possible and had worked with the Secret Service to make sure she would be assigned young agents who would dress informally and be as unobtrusive as they could be. Stanford had agreed to bar media access to her on campus. We enjoyed the welcoming ceremonies and visits with the other parents, after which we took Chelsea to her dorm room and helped her move in. Chelsea was happy and excited; Hillary and I were a little sad and anxious. Hillary tried to deal with it by scurrying around and helping Chelsea organize things, even lining her drawers with Contac paper. I had carried her luggage up the stairs to her room, then fixed her bunk bed. After that, I just stared out the window, as her mother got on Chelsea’s nerves with all the fixing up. When the student speaker at the convocation, Blake Harris, had said to all the parents that our children would miss us in about a month and for about fifteen minutes, we all laughed. I hoped it was true, but we sure would miss her. When it was time to go, Hillary had pulled herself together and was ready. Not me; I wanted to stay for dinner.
9月18日，我和希拉里带着切尔西去了斯坦福大学。我们希望她的新生活尽可能正常，并和特勤处一起合作，确保指派年轻的特工来保护她，他们会穿着平常，尽量不显眼。斯坦福大学已同意，禁止媒体在校园内接触她。欢迎仪式和与其他家长一起参观让我们很愉快，之后，我们把切尔西带到她的宿舍房间，帮她把东西搬进去。切尔西很开心很兴奋；我和希拉里则有点伤感和焦虑。希拉里想处理好这种情绪，她在屋里快速走动，帮切尔西整理东西，甚至用无菌纸给她垫抽屉。我把她的行李搬到楼上她的房间，然后整理她的双层床。此后，我望着窗外发呆，而她的母亲忙着帮切尔西整理所有的东西，这让切尔西很不安。集会上学生发言人布莱克·哈里斯对所有家长说，我们的孩子们“会在大约一个月后想念你们，想念15分钟”，我们都笑了。我希望那是真的，但我们肯定会想念她。我们要走的时候，希拉里已控制住自己的情绪，并接受了与女儿的暂时分别。我没有，我想留下来和女儿一起吃晚饭。
On the last day of September, I attended the retirement ceremony of General John Shalikashvili and gave him the Presidential Medal of Freedom. He had been a superb chairman of the Joint Chiefs, supporting the expansion of NATO, the creation of the Partnership for Peace, and the deployment of our troops in more than forty operations, including Bosnia, Haiti, Iraq, Rwanda, and the Taiwan Strait. I had really enjoyed working with him. He was intelligent, straight-talking, and completely committed to the welfare of our men and women in uniform. As his replacement I named General Hugh Shelton, who had so impressed me with his handling of the Haiti operation.
9月的最后一天，我参加了约翰·沙里卡什维利将军的退休仪式，颁给他一枚总统自由勋章。他曾是一位杰出的参谋长联席会议主席，支持北约扩张，创建了“和平伙伴关系”计划，在40多次行动中部署我们的军队，包括在波斯尼亚、海地、伊拉克、卢旺达和台湾海峡。与他共事确实让我感到很愉快。他有才智，说话直爽，全心关注我国军人的福利，不论男女。我任命休·谢尔顿将军接替他，谢尔顿将军处理海地行动的表现给我留下了深刻印象。
The early fall was largely devoted to foreign affairs, as I took my first trip to South America. I traveled to Venezuela, Brazil, and Argentina to express the importance of Latin America to America’s future and to keep pushing the idea of a free trade area covering all the Americas. Venezuela was our number one oil supplier and had always made more petroleum available to the United States when we needed it, from World War II to the Gulf War. My visit was brief and uncomplicated; its highlight was a speech to the people of Caracas at the tomb of Simn Bolvar.
初秋主要是处理外交事务，我第一次出访了南美洲。我到委内瑞拉、巴西和阿根廷访问，表达拉丁美洲对美国未来的重要性，并不断推动设立包括南北美洲在内的自由贸易区的想法。委内瑞拉是我们第一大石油供应国，从第二次世界大战到海湾战争，在我们需要的时候，它总能向我国提供比实际需要更多的石油。我的访问短暂而又简单；访问高潮是在西蒙·玻利瓦尔的墓地为加拉加斯人民做的一次演讲。
Brazil was a different story. There had long been tensions between our two countries; many Brazilians had long resented the United States. Brazil was the leader of the Mercosur trading bloc, which also included Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay, and which had a larger volume of trade with Europe than with the United States. On the other hand, the Brazilian president, Henrique Cardoso, was a modern, effective leader who wanted a good relationship with the United States and who understood that a stronger partnership with us would help him to modernize his country’s economy, reduce its chronic poverty, and increase its influence in the world.
巴西的情况就不同了。长期以来，我们两个国家之间关系紧张；许多巴西人长期仇恨美国，巴西是美洲地区南方共同市场贸易集团领导国，这个集团还包括阿根廷、巴拉圭、乌拉圭，它与欧洲的贸易量超过与美国的贸易量。另一方面，巴西总统恩里克·卡多佐是一位现代的、得力的领导人，他希望与美国友好相处，他明白与我们建立更坚强的伙伴关系会帮助他实现他的国家的经济现代化，减少其长期以来的贫困；增强这个国家在世界上的影响力。
I had been fascinated by Brazil since the great jazz saxophonist Stan Getz popularized its music in America in the 1960s, and ever since then I had wanted to see its cities and beautiful landscapes. I also respected and liked Cardoso. He had already been to Washington on a state visit, and I thought he was one of the most impressive leaders I had met. I wanted to affirm our mutual dedication to a closer economic partnership and to support his policies, especially those to sustain Brazil’s vast rain forest, which had been severely reduced by overclearing, and to improve education. Cardoso had initiated an intriguing program called bolsa escola, which made monthly cash payments to poor Brazilians if their children attended school at least 85 percent of the time.
巴西曾让我着迷，因为60年代，伟大的爵士乐萨克斯管吹奏者斯坦·盖兹使得巴西的音乐风靡美国，从那之后，我就想亲眼看看它的城市和美丽的风景。我也很尊敬和喜欢卡多佐。他已经到美国做过一次国事访问，我认为他是我遇到过的给人印象最深的领导人之一。我想明确表明，我们都致力于建立一个更紧密的经济伙伴关系，并表明我们支持他的政策，尤其是那些维持巴西巨大热带雨林的政策，它们的数目已由于过度砍伐大大减少，我们还支持他改善教育的政策。卡多佐已提出一个很让人感兴趣的计划，称为“助学金”计划——每个月给贫穷的巴西人提供现金补助，条件是他们的孩子至少要完成85％的学校要求的课时。
There was an interesting moment in our press conference, which, besides several questions on American-Brazilian relations and climate change, included four from the American press on the ongoing controversy back home over the financing of the 96 campaign. A reporter asked if it embarrassed me or the country to have such questions asked on a foreign trip. I replied, That’s a decision for you. You have to decide what questions you’re going to ask. I can’t be embarrassed about how you decide to do your job.
在我们举行的记者招待会上出现了一段有趣的插曲。我和他除了回答了一些有关美巴关系、气候变化的问题外，美国媒体还提出了四个关于1996年美国竞选资金争议的问题，那时国内正在讨论得不可开交。一名记者问，在一次海外访问中被问到那样的问题是否让我或我的国家感到难堪。我回答道：“那是你的决定。你必须决定你要问什么问题。我不会为你如何决定去做你的工作而感到难堪。”
After a visit to a school in a poor neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro with Brazils soccer legend Pel, Hillary and I went to Braslia for a state dinner at the presidential residence, where Henrique and Ruth Cardoso gave us a taste of the Brazilian music I had loved for more than thirty years, a women’s percussion ensemble playing pulsating rhythms on different-sized metal plates tied to their bodies, and a fabulous singer from Bahia, Virginia Rodrigues.
我与巴西足球传奇人物贝利一起访问了里约热内卢贫民区的一个学校。之后，我和希拉里一起前往巴西利亚，参加在总统官邸举行的国宴。亨里克和鲁思·卡多佐夫妇让我们见识了我已经喜欢了30多年的巴西风格的音乐，一个女子演奏团队演奏了打击乐器，在绑在身上的不同大小的金属板上击出有规律的节拍，我们还见到了一位来自巴伊亚的棒极了的歌手弗吉尼亚·罗德里格斯。
Argentina’s President Carlos Menem had been a strong ally of the United States, supporting America in the Gulf War and in Haiti and adopting a strong free-market economic policy. He hosted a barbeque at the Rural Center in Buenos Aires that included tango lessons for Hillary and me and a demonstration of Argentine horsemanship: a man riding around the rodeo arena standing atop two broad-shouldered stallions.
阿根廷总统卡洛斯·梅内姆是美国强有力的盟友，在海湾战争、海地问题和采纳一套强有力的自由市场经济政策的方面上都支持美国。他在布宜诺斯艾利斯的乡村中心为我举办了一个烤肉野餐会，还向我和希拉里展示了探戈舞，并示范了阿根廷马术：一个男子站在两匹宽肩的公马背上绕着马场行进。
President Menem also took us to Bariloche, a beautiful resort town in Patagonia, to discuss global warming and what I hoped would be our common response to the problem. The international conference on climate change was coming up in December in Kyoto, Japan. I strongly favored setting aggressive targets for the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions for both developed and developing nations, but I wanted to achieve the targets not through regulations and taxes but through market incentives to promote energy conservation and the use of clean energy technology. Bariloche was a perfect site to highlight the importance of the environment. Just across the cold, clear lake from the Llao Llao Hotel where we stayed, Hillary and I walked through the magical Arrayanes forest, with its barkless myrtle trees. The trees were stained orange by tannic acid and were cool to the touch. Their survival resulted from perfect soil, clean water, clean air, and a moderate climate. The right action against climate change would preserve the fragile, unique trees and the stability of much of the rest of our planet.
梅内姆总统还带我们去了巴利罗切，巴塔哥尼亚地区一个漂亮的海滨小镇，也是度假盛地。在那里，我们一起讨论全球变暖问题，以及我所希望的对这个问题的共同反应。关于环境变化的国际会议将于12月在日本京都举行。我强烈提议，为减少发达和发展中国家的温室效应气体排放设立积极大胆的目标，但我希望不是通过规则和税收来实现这些目标，而是通过市场激励机制来促进能源的节约和清洁能源技术的使用来达到这些目标。巴利罗切是强调环境保护重要性的一个完美地点。就在我们住的劳劳酒店前清凉的湖水对面，我和希拉里穿过了奇妙的阿赖安斯森林，里面有没有树皮的爱神木。树木被丹宁酸染成了橘黄色，摸上去很清凉。这些树木能幸存下来是因为完美的土壤、清洁的水、洁净的空气和适宜的气候。应付气候变化的正确行动将会保护脆弱、特殊的树木，也可以维护地球上其它许多地区的稳定。
On October 26, back in Washington, Capricia Marshall, Kelly Craighead, and the rest of Hillary’s staff put together a big fiftieth birthday celebration for her under a tent on the South Lawn. Chelsea came home to surprise her. There were tables with food and music from every decade of her life, with people standing by them who had known her in each period: from Illinois in the fifties, Wellesley in the sixties, Yale in the seventies, and Arkansas in the eighties.
10月26日，回到华盛顿，在白宫南草坪上的一个帐篷下，卡普里西娅·马歇尔、凯莉·克雷格黑德以及为希拉里工作的其他人员一起为她举行了一个大型的50岁生日庆典。切尔西也回来了，给了她一个生日惊喜。以10年为期，几个桌上摆放着她在各个年代喜欢的食品和音乐，旁边站着每个时期认识希拉里的人：50年代的伊利诺伊，60年代的韦尔斯利，70年代的耶鲁，以及80年代的阿肯色。
The next day, Jiang Zemin came to Washington. I invited him to the residence for an informal meeting that night. After almost five years of working with him, I was impressed with Jiang’s political skills, his desire to integrate China into the world community, and the economic growth that had accelerated under his leadership and that of his prime minister, Zhu Rongji, but I was still concerned about Chinas continued suppression of basic freedoms and its imprisonment of political dissidents. I asked Jiang to release some dissidents and told him that in order for the United States and China to have a long-term partnership, our relationship had to have room for fair, honest disagreement.
第二天，江泽民来到了华盛顿。当天晚上，我邀请他到官邸进行一次非正式会晤。我与他已经一起共事了将近五年，江泽民的政治技巧，他希望把中国融入国际社会的愿景，以及在他和他的总理朱镕基领导下的加速经济增长，给我留下了深刻印象。我仍然对中国政府对待异见者的政策感到关切，政府镇压这些不同政见者的基本自由权利并且囚禁这些人。我要求江泽民释放一些不同政见者，并告诉他，为了美国和中国的长期伙伴关系，我们的关系中必须留有一定空间，容忍公正的、真诚的不同意见。
When Jiang said he agreed, we proceeded to debate how much change and freedom China could accommodate without risking internal chaos. We didn’t resolve our differences, but our mutual understanding increased, and after Jiang went back to Blair House, I went to bed thinking that China would be forced by the imperatives of modern society to become more open, and that in the new century it was more likely that our nations would be partners than adversaries.
江泽民说他同意我的意见，我们继续争论在不冒国内混乱风险的情况下，中国能够包容多大变化和多少自由权利。我们没有解决我们之间的差异，但我们之间的相互理解增强了，在江泽民返回布莱尔宾馆后，我上床睡觉，思考着中国将在现代社会势在必行的推动下将被迫变得更加开放，在新的世纪，我们两个国家更有可能成为伙伴，而不是对手。
The next day at our press conference, Jiang and I announced that we would increase our cooperation to stop the spread of weapons of mass destruction; work together on the peaceful use of nuclear energy, and on fighting organized crime, drug trafficking, and alien smuggling; expand Americas efforts to promote the rule of law in China by helping to train judges and lawyers; and cooperate to protect the environment. I also pledged to do all I could to bring China into the World Trade Organization. Jiang echoed my remarks and told the press we had also agreed to regular summit meetings and the opening of a direct telephone hot-line to assure that we could maintain direct communication.
在第二天的新闻发布会上，我和江泽民宣布，我们将增强两国合作，阻止大规模杀伤性武器扩散；一起努力和平地利用核能、打击有组织犯罪、毒品走私和境外走私等问题；通过帮助培训法官和律师，加大美国推动中国法治进程的力度；一起合作保护环境。我还承诺尽我所能让中国加入世界贸易组织。江泽民附合了我的讲话，告诉媒体，我们还同意定期举行首脑会晤，开通直接热线电话，确保我们能够保持直接联系。
When we opened the floor to questions, the press asked the inevitable ones about human rights, Tiananmen Square, and Tibet. Jiang seemed a little taken aback but maintained his good humor, essentially repeating what he had said to me on the subjects the night before, and adding that he knew he was visiting a democracy where the people were free to voice their different opinions. I replied that while China was on the right side of history on so many issues, on the human rights issue we believe the policy of the government is on the wrong side of history. A couple of days later, in a speech at Harvard, President Jiang acknowledged that mistakes had been made in dealing with the demonstrators at Tiananmen Square. China often moved at a pace that seemed maddeningly slow to Westerners, but it was not impervious to change.
当我们开始回答问题的时候，媒体不可避免地问到了人权问题、天安门事件和西藏问题。江泽民看起来有些许惊讶，但他保持了良好的心情，基本上重复了他昨晚在这些话题上向我说的话，并补充说，他知道他在访问一个民主政体的国家，在这个国家人民可以自由发表不同意见。我回答，中国在那么多事情上都走在历史的正确方面，关于人权问题，“我们相信中国政府的政策走在历史的错误方面”。两三天后，在哈佛的一次演讲中，江主席承认，中国政府对天安门前的示威者的处理方式是错误的。在西方人看来，中国经常以难以忍受的缓慢速度前进，但是它并不是完全抗拒改革的。
October brought two developments on the legal front. After Judge Susan Webber Wright dismissed with prejudice (meaning they could not be refiled) two of the four counts in Paula Jones’s lawsuit, I offered to settle it. I didn’t want to, because it would take about half of everything Hillary and I had saved over twenty years, and because I knew, on the basis of the investigative work my legal team had done, that we would win the case if it ever went to trial. But I didn’t want to waste any days in the three years I had left on it.
10月，在法律战线有两大进展。法官苏珊·韦伯·赖特以偏见为理由撤销了葆拉·琼斯诉讼案中四条罪状中的两条（意味着它们不会被重新受理），我提出和解。我不想这么做，因为这样大约要花去希拉里和我20多年来所有积蓄的一半，也因为我知道，在我的法律小组已做的调查工作基础上，如果这个案件上庭的话，我们可以打赢官司。但我不想浪费我剩下三年总统生涯中的任何时间在这个问题上。
Jones refused to accept the settlement unless I also apologized for sexually harassing her. I couldn’t do that because it wasn’t true. Not long afterward, her lawyers petitioned the court to be released of their duties. Soon they were replaced by a Dallas firm closely associated with and funded by the Rutherford Institute, another right-wing legal foundation financed by my opponents. Now there was no longer even a pretense that Paula Jones was the real plaintiff in the case that bore her name.
琼斯拒绝接受和解，除非我就性骚扰向她道歉。我不能那么做，因为那不是事实。不久之后，她的律师们向法庭请求卸职。不久，与卢瑟福协会——我对手资助的另一右翼法律基金会——有密切联系并得到它投资建立的一个达拉斯律师事务所的人代替了这些律师。现在甚至都不再借称葆拉·琼斯是以她的名字命名的起诉案的真正原告。
Early in the month, the White House turned over videotapes of forty-four of the much-discussed White House coffees to the Justice Department and the Congress. They proved what I’d said all along, that the coffees were not fund-raisers, but wide-ranging and often interesting discussions with some people who were supporters and some who weren’t. The only thing most of the critics could do was to complain that they weren’t released sooner.
这个月早些时候，白宫向司法部和国会转交了44次经常被谈论的白宫非正式社交集会的录像带。它们证实了我一向所说的，那些非正式社交集会并不是筹措资金的活动，而是与一些支持或不支持我的人展开的范围广泛且常常是有趣味的讨论。大多数我的批评者唯一能做的事就是抱怨为什么这些资料没有尽早公布。
Soon after that, Newt Gingrich announced that he didn’t have the votes to pass the fast-track trade legislation in the House. I had worked very hard for months to pass it. In an attempt to get more votes from my party, I had pledged to Democrats that I would negotiate trade agreements with labor and environmental provisions, and told them that I had secured Chile’s agreement to put such requirements into the bilateral agreement we were working on. Unfortunately, I couldn’t persuade very many of them, because the AFL-CIO, which was still angry about losing the NAFTA vote, had made the fast-track vote a test of whether Democrats were for or against labor. Even Democrats who agreed with me on the merits were reluctant to face a reelection campaign without the AFL-CIOs financial and organizational support. Several conservative Republicans conditioned their vote on whether or not I would impose further restrictions on U.S. policy for international family planning. When I wouldn’t do it, I lost their votes. The Speaker had also worked to pass the bill, but at the end we were still six votes short at best. Now I would just have to continue making individual trade agreements and hope that Congress wouldn’t kill them with amendments.
这件事后不久，纽特·金里奇宣布众议院没有通过有关贸易立法快速通道的决议。我已经努力工作了几个月想让它得到通过。为了得到我党内部更多的投票，我向民主党承诺我会用劳工和环境条款来进行贸易协定谈判，并告诉他们，我已得到智利的同意，在我们正在商议的双边协定中加入这些要求。不幸的是，我无法说动他们中的许多人，因为美国劳联-产联对输掉对《北美自由贸易协定》的投票仍很生气，正把快速通道立法作为检验民主党人是支持劳工还是反对劳工的标准。即便是同意我的民主党人也很勉强，因为他们要在失去劳联-产联在经济和组织上的支持的情况下再次竞选。几个保守的共和党人提出了有条件的投票，他们的态度取决于我是否会在美国针对国际计划生育的政策上进一步施加限制。我不会那么做，于是我失去了他们的支持票。议长金里奇也努力想让这一法案通过，但最后我们至少还差了六票。现在我不得不继续单个地商谈贸易协定，希望国会不要以修正案的形式终结它们。
In mid-month we had a new crisis in Iraq, when Saddam expelled six American members of the UN weapons inspection teams. I ordered the USS George Washington carrier group to the region, and a few days later the inspectors returned.
月中，伊拉克出现了一场新的危机，萨达姆驱逐了联合国武器核查小组的六名美国人。我命令乔治·华盛顿号航空母舰编队开往该地区，几天后，核查员重返了伊拉克。
The Kyoto global warming talks opened on December 1. Before they were over, Al Gore flew to Japan to help our chief negotiator, Undersecretary of State Stu Eizenstat, get an agreement we could sign, with firm targets but without undue restrictions on how to achieve them and with a call for developing countries like China and India to participate; within thirty years they would surpass the United States as emitters of greenhouse gases (the United States is now the worlds leading emitter). Unless the changes were made, I couldn’t submit the treaty to Congress; it would be difficult to pass in the best of circumstances. With the support of Prime Minister Hashimoto, who wanted Kyoto to be a success for Japan, and other friendly nations including Argentina, the negotiations produced an agreement I was happy to support, with targets I thought we could meet, if Congress would enact the tax incentives necessary to promote the production and purchase of more conservation technologies and clean energy products.
全球变暖讨论会于12月1日在京都开幕。会议结束之前，艾尔·戈尔飞到日本，帮助我国的主要谈判代表——副国务卿斯图·艾森施塔特达成一项我们愿意签署的协议，协议包括我们坚定的目标，但没有不合理地规定如何实现这些目标，同时呼吁像中国和印度这样的发展中国家参与其中；在30年内，它们释放的温室效应气体将超过美国（美国现在是世界上释放这种气体的第一名）。除非协议有变化，否则我无法将它提交给国会；即便在最好的形势下，也很难通过。桥本龙太郎首相希望，京都会议对于日本及包括阿根廷在内的其他友好国家都是成功的，在他的帮助下，谈判产生了一个我乐意支持的协议，如果国会能够通过一些必要的税收激励措施来促进生产和购买更多的节能技术和清洁能源产品，我想我们可以实现协议中的目标。
In the days before Christmas, Hillary, Chelsea, and I went to Bosnia to encourage the people in Sarajevo to stay on the path of peace and to meet with the troops in Tuzla. Bob and Elizabeth Dole joined our delegation, along with several military leaders and a dozen members of Congress of both parties. Elizabeth was the president of the American Red Cross, and Bob had just agreed to my request to head the International Commission on Missing Persons in the former Yugoslavia.
圣诞节前夕，我、希拉里、切尔西去了波斯尼亚，鼓励萨拉热窝人民继续走和平路线，我在图兹拉视察了军队。鲍勃和伊丽莎白·多尔夫妇加入了我们的代表团，还有几位军队领导人和十多位两党国会议员。伊丽莎白是美国红十字会主席，鲍勃刚刚应我的要求，担任前南斯拉夫失踪人员国际委员会主席。
On the day before Christmas the United States agreed to put up $1.7 billion to provide financial support to the faltering South Korean economy. It marked the beginning of our commitment to solving the Asian financial crisis, which would grow much worse in the coming year. South Korea had just elected a new president, Kim Dae Jung, a longtime democracy activist who had been sentenced to execution in the 1970s until President Carter intervened on his behalf. I had first met Kim on the steps of Los Angeles City Hall in May 1992, when he proudly told me he represented the same new approach to politics that I did. He was both brave and visionary, and I wanted to support him.
圣诞前一天，美国同意拿出17亿美元，提供金融支持，援助疲软的韩国经济。这标志着我们致力于解决亚洲金融危机的开始，这场危机在来年将更严重。韩国刚选出了一位新总统金大中，他是一位长期的民主政治活跃分子，70年代曾被判处死刑，直到卡特总统为了他，从中干预。我第一次遇见金大中是1992年5月在洛杉矶市政厅的台阶上，那时候他自豪地告诉我，他代表了和我一样的新政治态度。他是个勇敢的人，也有大的理想，我想支持他。
As we headed to Renaissance Weekend and a new year, I looked back on 1997 with satisfaction, hoping the worst of the partisan wars had passed in the wake of all that had been accomplished: the balanced budget; the largest increase in college aid in fifty years; the biggest increase in children’s health coverage since 1965; the expansion of NATO; the Chemical Weapons Convention; the Kyoto accord; sweeping reforms of our adoption laws and of our Food and Drug Administration to speed the introduction of lifesaving medicines and medical devices; and the One America initiative, which had already involved millions of people in conversations about the current state of race relations. It was an impressive list, but it would not be enough to bridge the ideological divide.
在我们前去度“复兴周末”，步人新年之际，回头看看1997年，我觉得很满意，我希望随着实现所有的成就，最糟糕的党派战争已经成为过去：平衡的预算，50年来对大学的最大一笔资助；自1965年以来对儿童医疗保健的最大增幅；北约的扩张；《化学武器公约》；《京都协定书》；彻底革新我们的收养法规及食品与药品管理局，以加速推广救命的药物和医疗器械；“一个团结的美国”的提案，它已使得成千上万的美国人加入讨论当前的种族关系。这是一份令人印象深刻的清单，但它还不足以跨越意识形态分歧的鸿沟。
