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克林顿《我的生活》第二十六章 总统竞选的民主党党内初选

译者: 梁軍
发表时间:2009-09-01浏览量:4994评论数:0挑错数:1
肯对我说,他之前一直是共和党党员,因为他觉得民主党人有心为民出力,头脑却用错了地方。后来,他说,他与居于高位的共和党人有了近距离的接触,发现他们有头脑,但无心为民,于是决定加入民主党,因为他认为改变头脑容易,改变心意却很难 成功的总统竞选活动有三点基本标准。首先,人们必须要能够看着你并且把你与总统的形象联系起来。其次,你必须获得足够的资金和支持才能将自己变得众所周知。再次,这是一场理念、纲领和争议问题的斗争。

TWENTY-SIX

总统竞选的民主党党内初选

 

October 3 was a beautiful autumn morning in Arkansas, crisp and clear. I started the day that would change my life in the usual way, with an early-morning jog. I went out the back gate of the Governor’s Mansion, through the old Quapaw Quarter, then downtown to the Old State House. The grand old place, where I had held my first reception when I was sworn in as attorney general in 1977, was already decked out in American flags. After I ran past it, turned, and headed for home, I saw a newspaper vending machine. Through the glass, I could read the headline: Hour Arrives for Clinton. On the way home, several passersby wished me well. Back at the mansion I took a last look at my announcement speech. I had worked on it until well past midnight; it was full of what I felt was good rhetoric and specific policy proposals, but still too long, so I cut a few lines.

在阿肯色州,1991103,这是一个美丽的秋日早晨,空气清爽、万里无云。这是即将改变我生活的一天,我的头一件事是按照惯例进行我的晨跑。我跑出州长官邸的后门,穿过夸波区,跑向市区的旧州政府大楼。1977年我宣誓就任检察长之后在那里举行了我的第一次招待会,现在这所宏伟的老房子已经被美国国旗装扮起来了。我从大楼前跑过,拐弯,朝官邸跑回去,在路上我看到了一个自动售报机。透过玻璃,我可以读到大字标题:“克林顿的时机到了”。回去的路上,几个路过的人祝我好运。回到官邸,我最后一次审阅了竞选声明。对这个声明,我一直推敲到前一天深夜,我自我感觉,其中充满了令人满意的华丽词藻和具体的政策提案,但篇幅仍太长,所以我删掉了几个句子。

 

At noon, I was introduced on the stage by our state treasurer, Jimmie Lou Fisher, who had been with me since 1978. I started out a little awkwardly, probably because of the conflicting feelings flooding through me. I was at once reluctant to abandon the life I knew and eager for the challenge, a little afraid but sure I was doing the right thing. I spoke for more than half an hour, thanking my family, friends, and supporters for giving me the strength to step beyond a life and job I love, to make a commitment to a larger cause: preserving the American dream, restoring the hopes of the forgotten middle class, reclaiming the future for our children. I closed with a pledge to give new life to the American dream by forming a new covenant with the people: more opportunity for all, more responsibility from everyone, and a greater sense of common purpose.

当天中午,从1978年便与我共事的阿肯色州财政部长吉米,卢.费希尔介绍我登上了舞台。刚开始演讲的时候我有点放不开,大概是因为相互冲突的情感在我内心激荡。一方面,我不愿意放弃我所熟悉的生活;另一方面,我又渴望去迎接这个挑战;我有点担心,却又相信自己这么做是正确的选择。我的演讲持续了半个多小时,感谢我的家人、朋友和支持者,是他们给予我力量,使我走出我所熟悉的生活和工作圈子,献身于一项更重大的事业:将“美国梦”延续,为被遗忘的中产阶级重燃希望,为我们的孩子开拓未来。在演讲结尾,我许诺,将通过与人民订立新的盟约的方式,向“美国梦”注入新的生命力:给所有的人更多的机遇,让每个人都承担更多的责任,对共同目标赋予更伟大的意义。

 

When it was over, I felt elated and excited, but maybe relieved more than anything else, especially after Chelsea wisecracked, Nice speech, Governor. Hillary and I spent the rest of the day receiving well-wishers, and Mother, Dick, and Roger all seemed happy about it, as did Hillary’s family. Mother acted as if she knew I would win. As well as I knew her, I couldn’t be sure if it was truly how she felt or just another example of her game face. That night we gathered around the piano with old friends. Carolyn Staley played, just as she had done since we were fifteen. We sang Amazing Grace and other hymns, and lots of songs from the sixties, including Abraham, Martin, and John, a tribute to the fallen heroes of our generation. I went to bed believing we could cut through the cynicism and despair and rekindle the fire those men had lit in my heart.

声明发表演之后,我感到非常激动和开心,也许更多的是如释重负,尤其是听到切尔西俏皮地说:“演讲说得不错,州长。”在这天接下来的时间里,我和希拉里忙着接待前来祝我好运的人,母亲、迪克和罗杰似乎都很开心,希拉里的家人也是一样。母亲表现得就像她知道我将赢得大选一样。即使我这么了解她,也不能确定,她是真的这么认为,还是又一次地装作对我满怀信心。那天夜里,我们和老朋友们聚集在家里那架钢琴四周。卡罗琳.斯特利弹奏了钢琴,自打我们15岁起,就一直是由她弹钢琴。我们唱着《奇异恩典》和其他赞美歌,还有很多60年代的歌曲,包括《亚伯拉罕、马丁和约翰》,一首颂扬我们那一代陨落的英雄的赞歌。上床休息的时候,我抱着这样的信念:我们将能够打破愤世嫉俗和绝望的坚冰,重新点燃这些英雄们曾经在我心里播下的火种。

 

Governor Mario Cuomo once said we campaign in poetry but we govern in prose. The statement is basically accurate, but a lot of campaigning is prose, too: putting together the nuts and bolts, going through the required rituals, and responding to the press. Day two of the campaign was more prose than poetry: a series of interviews designed to get me on television nationally and in major local markets, and to answer the threshold question of why I had gone back on my commitment to finish my term and whether that meant I was untrustworthy. I answered the questions as best I could and moved on to the campaign message. It was all prosaic, but it got us to day three.

马里奥.科莫州长曾说过,我们在像作诗歌般竞选,像作散文般执政。这句话基本上是正确的,但很多竞选活动也是散文:把基本的具体细节整合起来,参加必需的例行公事,回应媒体。竞选开始的第二天感觉更像散文,而不是诗歌:一系列计划将在全国性电视台和地方主要市场播放的访谈,而且要回答一个最基本的问题:我为什么背弃了要干完整个州长任期的承诺,这是否意味着我不值得信任。我尽最大努力来回答这些问题,然后谈起我的竞选纲领。这些都是像散文般枯燥无味的,但我们得挺过这些,去迎来第三天。

 

The rest of the year was full of the frantic activity of a late-starting campaign: getting organized, raising money, reaching out to specific constituencies, and working New Hampshire.

因为我的竞选活动起步较晚,在这一年剩下的时间里,竞选班子忙得不亦乐乎:建立组织机构,为竞选筹款,与具体的选民打交道,在新罕布什尔州进行宣传。

 

Our first headquarters was in an old paint store on Seventh Street near the Capitol. I had decided to base the campaign out of Little Rock instead of Washington. It made travel arrangements a little more complicated, but I wanted to stick close to my roots and to get home often enough to be with my family and handle official business that required my presence. But staying in Arkansas also had another big benefit: it helped our young staff keep focused on the work at hand. They weren’t distracted by the pervasive Washington rumor mill and they didn’t get too carried away by the surprisingly favorable press coverage I received early in the campaign, or too depressed by the torrent of negative press soon to come.

我们的第一个竞选总部设在州议会大厦附近第七大街上的一座旧油漆店内。我决定把总部设在小石城而不是华盛顿。这使得旅行宣传安排变得更复杂,但是我想靠近我的核心支持者,能经常回家与家人在一起,并处理需要我在场的公务。总部设在阿肯色州还有一个很大的好处:我们年轻的工作人员可以集中精力做手头的工作。他们不会受到华盛顿渗透力强的谣言工厂的影响而分心,不会因为竞选初期媒体给我的出乎意料的良好评价而冲昏了头脑,也不会因为媒体接下来对我一连串的负面攻击而太过沮丧。

 

After a few weeks, we had outgrown the paint store and moved nearby to the old office of the Department of Higher Education, which we used until we outgrew it, too, just before the Democratic convention. Then we moved again, downtown to the Arkansas Gazette building, which had become vacant a few months earlier upon the purchase and subsequent dismantling of the Gazette by the owner of the Arkansas Democrat, Walter Hussman. The Gazette building would be our home for the rest of the campaign, which, from my point of view, was the only good result of the loss of the oldest independent newspaper in America west of the Mississippi.

几个星期之后,旧油漆店已经容不下工作人员了,于是我们搬到附近高等教育部的旧办公楼里,我们一直在那里工作,直到人员再次多得挤不下为止,那是就在民主党全国代表大会即将召开的时候。随后我们又搬到市区《阿肯色州公报》的大楼,几个月前,由于《阿肯色州民主党人》老板沃尔特.胡斯曼收购并随后搬走了《阿肯色州公报》的设施,这座楼已经是空的了。《阿肯色州公报》大楼一直到总统竞选结束都是我们的总部所在地,在我看来,这是我们失去了这家美国密西西比河以西历史最长的独立报纸后,所得到的唯一益处。

 

The Gazette had stood for civil rights in the fifties and sixties, and had staunchly supported Dale Bumpers, David Pryor, and me in our efforts to modernize education, social services, and the economy. In its glory days, it was one of the best papers in the country, bringing well-written and wide-ranging national and international stories to readers in the far corners of our state. In the 1980s, the Gazette began to face competition from Hussman’s Arkansas Democrat, which until then had been a much smaller afternoon paper. The newspaper war that followed had a foreordained outcome, because Hussman owned other profitable media properties, which allowed him to absorb tremendous operating losses at the Democrat in order to take advertising and subscribers away from the Gazette. Not long before I announced for President, Hussman acquired the Gazette and consolidated its operations into his paper, renaming it the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette. Over the years, the Democrat-Gazette would help to make Arkansas a more Republican state. The overall tone of its editorial page was conservative and highly critical of me, often in very personal terms. In this the paper faithfully reflected the views of its publisher. Though I was sad to see the Gazette fall, I was glad to have the building. Perhaps I was hoping that the ghosts of its progressive past would keep us fighting for tomorrow.

5060年代,《阿肯色州公报》拥护民权运动,坚定地支持戴尔.邦珀斯、戴维.普赖尔和我,在教育、社会服务和经济现代化的工作中投入的努力。在其光辉岁月,《阿肯色州公报》是全国最佳的报纸之一,文笔精彩,题材广泛,让阿肯色州偏远地区的读者都能了解国家和国际事件。80年代,《阿肯色州公报》开始面临沃尔特.胡斯曼麾下《阿肯色州民主党人》的竞争,此前,后者只不过是一份规模小得多的下午出刊的晚报。接下来的报业大战有一个早已注定的结局,因为胡斯曼掌控着其它赢利的媒体财产,完全可以承受《阿肯色州民主党人》为了同《阿肯色报》争夺广告和订报者造成的巨大经营亏损。我宣布参选之前不久,胡斯曼买下了《阿肯色州公报》,并把它与《阿肯色州民主党人》合并,重新命名为《阿肯色州民主党人公报》。此后的年间,在《阿肯色州民主党人公报》的推动下,阿肯色州变成了越来越倾向于共和党的州。它的社论基调整体偏于保守,对我展开大力的批评,而且常常是人身攻击。在这方面,《阿肯色州民主党人公报》忠实地反映出了其出版人的立场。尽管《阿肯色州公报》的没落令我伤心,但是,能租用它过去的办公大楼,我仍然很高兴。也许,我希望《阿肯色州公报》过去的进步主义灵魂将敦促我们为未来而奋斗。

 

We started out with an all-Arkansas staff, with Bruce Lindsey as campaign director and Craig Smith, who had handled my appointments to boards and commissions, as finance director. Rodney Slater and Carol Willis were already hard at work contacting black political, religious, and business leaders across the country. My old friend Eli Segal agreed to help me build a national staff.

开始,我们的竞选班子成员都是阿肯色州人,竞选主任是布鲁斯.林赛,以前帮我处理理事会和委员会成员的任命工作的克雷格.史密斯是财务主任。罗德尼.斯莱特和卡罗尔.威利斯已经在忙着联络全国范围的黑人政治、宗教和商业领袖了。我的老朋友埃里.西格尔答应帮我组织一个全国性的竞选班子。

 

I had already met with one person I was sure I wanted on the team, a talented young staffer for Congressman Dick Gephardt, the Democratic majority leader. George Stephanopoulos, the son of a Greek Orthodox priest, was a Rhodes scholar who had previously worked for my friend Father Tim Healy when he ran the New York Public Library. I liked George immediately, and knew he could serve as a bridge to the national press and the congressional Democrats, as well as make a contribution to thinking through the intellectual challenges of the campaign.

我已经遇到了一个我迫切希望其加入竞选班子的人,他叫乔治.斯迪法诺普洛斯,是众议院民主党多数派领袖迪克.格普哈特的幕僚,一个很有才华的青年。他是一位希腊东正教神父的儿子、罗兹奖学金得主,我的朋友蒂姆.希利神父管理纽约公立图书馆的时候,他曾在那里工作过。我一眼就喜欢上了乔治,知道他可以作为全国性的媒体和国会民主党议员们之间沟通的桥梁,并且在竞选活动中设法争取知识分子的支持这个难题上,做出他的贡献。

 

Eli met with him, confirmed my judgment, and George came to work as deputy campaign manager in charge of communications. Eli also saw David Wilhelm, the young Chicago political operative whom I wanted on the team. We offered him the job of campaign manager, and he quickly accepted. David was, in political language, a two-fer: besides managing the overall campaign, he would be a special help in Illinois. I was convinced that, with David as campaign manager, along with Kevin OKeefe as a state organizer, we could now win a clear victory in Illinois to follow up on the anticipated sweep of the southern states on Super Tuesday. Soon afterward, we also persuaded another young Chicagoan, Rahm Emanuel, to join our campaign. Rahm had worked with Wilhelm in the successful campaigns of Mayor Richard Daley and Senator Paul Simon. He was a slight, intense man who had studied ballet and, though an American citizen, had served in the Israeli Army. Rahm was so aggressive he made me look laid-back. We made him finance director, a job in which an underfunded campaign needs an aggressor. Craig Smith went to work on our state campaign organizations, a job better suited to his considerable political skills. Soon Bruce Reed left the Democratic Leadership Council to become our policy director. Eli also interviewed two women who would play important roles in the campaign. Dee Dee Myers from California became the press secretary, a job that would require her to handle more incoming fire than she possibly could have anticipated. Though she was very young, she rose to the challenge. Stephanie Solien, from Washington State, became our political director. She was married to Frank Greer, but that’s not why I hired her. Stephanie was smart, politically astute, and less hard-edged than most of the boys. She provided both the good work and the good chemistry every high-tension effort needs. As the campaign progressed, young people from all over America just showed up to pick up the extra load.

埃里与他见了面,确定了我的判断力是对的,乔治被召入团队,担任竞选副经理,负责传媒。埃里还会见了年轻的芝加哥政治活动运营高手戴维.威廉,我希望他加入竞选班子。我们请他担任竞选经理,他立即答应了。用政治术语来说,戴维是“买一赠一”:除了管理全面的竞选活动,他在伊利诺伊州还可以起到特殊的帮助作用。我确信,有了戴维做竞选经理,凯文.奥基夫做州组织者,我们能够在伊利诺伊州大获全胜,紧接着就是预期的在超级星期二在南方各州取得大胜。在此之后不久,我们说服了另一个年轻的芝加哥人拉姆.伊曼纽尔加入竞选班子。在理查德.戴利市长和保罗.西蒙参议员成功的竞选活动中,拉姆和戴维共过事。他身材纤瘦,感情丰富,学过芭蕾舞,虽然是美国公民,却在以色列当过兵。拉姆十分积极进取,他使我显得懒散。我们请他做财务主任,一个经费不足的竞选班子需要他这个进取心强的财务主任。克雷格.史密斯则转到州里的竞选组织工作,这个工作更能发挥他不可忽视的政治才能。很快,布鲁斯.里德离开了民主党领袖委员会,来担任我们的政策主任。埃里还面见了两位将在竞选中扮演重要角色的女子。来自加利福尼亚州的迪..迈尔斯成了新闻秘书,在这个岗位上,她必须应对可能超过她想象的“炮火攻击”。尽管她很年轻,却勇敢地接受了这个挑战。来自华盛顿州的斯特芬妮.索利恩成了政治主任。她嫁给了弗兰克.格里尔,不过这不是我雇用她的原因。斯特芬妮是个聪明人,在政治上精明敏锐,并且不像大多数我手下的男子们黑白分明。在高压之下取得成就,需要优质的工作和融洽的人际关系,她两方面都能提供。随着竞选活动的深入展开,来自全国各地的年轻人一个接一个地露面,承担起随时多出来的工作。

 

On the financial front, we made do in the beginning with generous early help from Arkansans, Bob Farmer’s efforts in Massachusetts and with regular Democratic donors who would give just because he asked them, and donations from friends around the country that helped me qualify for matching funds from the federal government. To do that, a candidate must raise $5,000 in each of twenty states, in amounts not exceeding $250 per contribution. In some states, my governor friends took care of it. In Texas, my longtime supporter Truman Arnold raised a much-needed $30,000. Unlike many wealthy people, Truman seemed to become an even more committed Democrat as he got richer.

在筹集资金方面,刚开始勉强够用,阿肯色州人向我们提供了慷慨的帮助,鲍勃.法默在马萨诸塞州募集了一些款项,只要他开了口,一些常年为民主党捐款的人便会出手相助,还有我在全国各地的朋友也捐了款,这些资金使我们得到了联邦政府的对等资金(指总统选候人所得的公共资金,该款与来自私人赞助的资金相“对等”)。为了得到联邦政府的资助,每个候选人必须在20个州里各募集5000美元,而且每一笔捐款不得超过250美元。在一些州,我的州长朋友们帮我解决了这事。在德克萨斯州,我长期的支持者杜鲁门.阿诺德捐赠了急需的3万美元。不像许多有钱人,杜鲁门越富有,他就越忠实于民主党。

 

Somewhat surprisingly, a lot of people in the Washington, D.C., area wanted to help, in particular Democratic lawyer and fund-raiser Vic Raiser and my friend from Renaissance Weekend Tom Schnieder. In New York, I got invaluable early help not only from our friends Harold Ickes and Susan Thomases but also from Ken Brody, a Goldman Sachs executive who decided he wanted to get heavily involved in Democratic politics for the first time. Ken told me he had been a Republican because he thought the Democrats had a heart but their head was in the wrong place. Then, he said, he had gotten close enough to the national Republicans to see that they had a head but no heart, and decided to join the Democrats because he thought it was easier to change minds than hearts, and luckily for me, he figured I was the best place to start. Ken took me to a dinner with high-powered New York businesspeople, including Bob Rubin, whose tightly reasoned arguments for a new economic policy made a lasting impression on me. In every successful political campaign, people like Ken Brody somehow appear, bringing energy, ideas, and converts.

有点令我惊讶的是,华府的许多人愿意向我提供帮忙,尤其是民主党律师和筹款人维克.雷塞和我在“复兴周末”活动中结识的朋友汤姆.施奈德。在纽约,在竞选活动早期为我提供宝贵帮助的不仅有我们的朋友哈罗德.伊克斯和苏珊.托马西斯,还有一位高盛公司的主管肯.布罗迪,这是他头一次决定要大力参与民主党的政治活动。肯对我说,他之前一直是共和党党员,因为他觉得民主党人有心为民出力,头脑却用错了地方。后来,他说,他与居于高位的共和党人有了近距离的接触,发现他们有头脑,但无心为民,于是决定加入民主党,因为他认为改变头脑容易,改变心意却很难,幸运的是,他觉得我是进行其政治新体验的最佳目标。肯带我参加了地位显赫的纽约商人的宴会,出席者中有的勃.鲁宾,他对新经济政策缜密有理的论点给我留下了持久的印象。在每一次成功的政治竞选运动中,像肯.布罗迪这样的人总会莫名地出现,他们带来了活力、理念和转投民主党的支持者。

 

In addition to money-raising and organizing, I had to reach out to constituencies that were predominantly Democratic. In October, I spoke to a Jewish group in Texas, saying that Israel should trade land for peace; to blacks and Hispanics in Chicago; and to Democratic Party groups in Tennessee, Maine, New Jersey, and California, all of which were considered swing states, meaning they could go either way in the general election. In November, I spoke in Memphis to the convention of the Church of God in Christ, America’s fastest-growing black denomination. I worked the South: Florida, South Carolina, Louisiana, and Georgia. Florida was important, because its December 15 straw poll at the Democratic convention would be the first contested vote. President Bush was beginning to slip in the polls and didn’t help himself by saying that the economy was in good shape. I spoke to the National Education Association and the annual meeting of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee in Washington. I went south again to North Carolina, Texas, and Georgia. In the West, I made stops in Colorado and South Dakota; in Wyoming, where Governor Mike Sullivan endorsed me; and in the Republican stronghold of Orange County, California, where I picked up the support of Republican telecommunications executive Roger Johnson and others who were disillusioned with President Bush’s economic policy.

除了筹款和组织工作,我还必须与民主党占优势的选区的选民接触。10月,我对德克萨斯州的一个犹太人组织发表演讲,说以色列应该以土地换和平;后来又对芝加哥的黑人和西班牙裔民众发表演说;会见田纳西州、缅因州、新泽西州和加利福尼亚州的民主党团体,这几个州被认为是“墙头草两面倒”,也就是说,在大选中它们有可能支持民主党;也有可能支持共和党。11月,我在孟菲斯出席了美国发展最快的黑人教派“基督神的教会”的教友大会,并发表演讲。我把宣传工作做到南方各州:佛罗里达州、南卡罗来纳州、路易斯安那州和乔治亚州。佛罗里达州很重要,因为1215的民主党代表大会意向性投票将是第一次具有竞争意义的投票。在这个意向性投票中,老布什总统的支持率开始下滑,他坚持说经济形势大好,也没有给他带来什么好处。我在华盛顿的全国教育协会和美国-以色列公共事务委员会的年会上发言。之后又回到南方,去了北卡罗来纳州、德克萨斯州和乔治亚州。在西部,我在科罗拉多州和南达科他州作了短暂拜访;还有怀俄明州,州长迈克.沙利文表态支持我;我还访问了加利福尼亚州共和党的要塞奥伦奇县,在那里我偶然地获得了电信公司主管罗杰.约翰逊和其他共和党人的支持,他们对老布什总统的经济政策大失所望。

 

While all this was going on, however, the main focus of the campaign was New Hampshire. If I ran poorly there, I might not do well enough in the states that followed to last until Super Tuesday. Though I was running dead last in the polls in mid-November, I liked my chances. New Hampshire is a small state, less than half the size of Arkansas, with very well-informed primary voters who take seriously their responsibility to carefully evaluate the candidates and their positions. To compete effectively, a good organization and persuasive television ads are necessary, but nowhere near sufficient. You must also do well in an endless stream of small house parties, town meetings, rallies, and unscheduled handshaking. A lot of New Hampshire citizens won’t vote for anyone who hasn’t personally asked for their support. After all my years in Arkansas politics, that kind of campaigning was second nature to me.

然而,尽管我进行了这一系列的宣传活动,但竞选活动的重点是在新罕布什尔州。如果在这个州的得票很少,在“超级星期二”到来之前,在这期间进行投票的几个州的结果可能也不会很好。尽管我在11月中旬的民意调查中垫底,我仍然跃跃欲试。新罕布什尔是一个小州,面积不及阿肯色州的一半,信息非常灵通的初选选民郑重地对待他们的责任,仔细评估每一位候选人和他们的立场。为了形成有效的竞争力,周密的组织和具有说服力的广告是必要的,但这远远不够。你必须在似乎无穷尽的小型别墅聚会、镇民大会、集会和计划安排之外的握手活动中也有上佳的表现。新罕布什尔州的许多州民不会投票支持那些没有亲自向他们请求支持的人。在阿肯色州的政治舞台上奋斗了这么多年,向选民们请求支持的竞选活动,对我来说差不多就像本能反应一样。

 

Even more than the political culture, the economic distress and the inevitable emotional trauma it spawned made me feel at home in New Hampshire. It was like Arkansas ten years earlier. After prospering throughout the 1980s, New Hampshire had the nation’s fastest-growing welfare and food-stamp rolls, and the highest rate of bankruptcies. Factories were closing and banks were in trouble. Lots of people were unemployed and genuinely afraidafraid of losing their homes and their health insurance. They didn’t know if they would be able to send their kids to college. They doubted Social Security would be solvent when they reached their retirement years. I knew how they felt. I had known many Arkansans in similar situations. And I thought I knew what needed to be done to turn things around.

与政治文化相比,经济的困境及其伴随着的可预见的情感创伤更是让我在新罕布什尔州有一种驾轻就熟的感觉。它就像十年前的阿肯色州。经历了整个80年代的繁荣之后,新罕布什尔州申请福利和食品券的人数是全国增长最快的,破产率也是最高的。工厂处于歇业的边缘,银行陷入泥潭。许多人失业,名符其实地感到害怕——害怕失去他们的家园和医疗保险。他们不知道是否有能力送他们的孩子去上大学。他们怀疑,到了退休的年纪,社会保险制度也许不会他们提供保障。我了解他们的感受。因为我了解有过相似遭遇的阿肯色州人。我想,我知道需要怎么做才能扭转局势。

 

The campaign organization began with two gifted young people, Mitchell Schwartz and Wendy Smith, who moved to Manchester and opened the state headquarters. They were soon joined by Michael Whouley, a Boston Irishman and world-class organizer, and my friend of forty years Patty Howe Criner, who moved up from Little Rock to explain and defend me and my record. Before long we had a big steering committee co-chaired by two lawyers I’d met through the DLC, John Broderick and Terry Schumaker, whose office, fortuitously, was in the same building that more than a century earlier had housed the law office of Governor Franklin Pierce.

在这个州的竞选组织机构先由两个有政治天赋的年轻人负责,他们是米切尔.施瓦茨和温迪.史密斯,他们动身来到曼彻斯特市,在那里设立了新罕布什尔州的竞选总部。不久,一个爱尔兰裔波士顿人,世界一流的组织者迈克尔.伍利和我40年的老朋友帕蒂..克里内加入了他们的行列,克里内是从小石城动身前去那里的,为我和我的履历做解释和辩护工作。很快,我们就有了一个强大的指导委员会,主席由约翰.布罗德里克和特里.舒梅克两位律师共同担任,他们是我在民主党领袖委员会工作期间遇到的,幸运而且偶然的是,他们的办公室与一个多世纪前富兰克林.皮尔斯州长所工作的法律事务所在同一座大楼里。

 

The competition was stiff. All the announced candidates were running hard in New Hampshire. Senator Bob Kerrey, the Medal of Honor winner and former Nebraska governor, attracted a lot of interest because he was a political maverick: a fiscal conservative and a social liberal. The centerpiece of his campaign was a sweeping proposal to provide health coverage for all Americans, a big issue in a state where the number of people losing their health insurance was rising daily after a decade in which the cost of health insurance nationally had risen at three times the overall rate of inflation. Kerrey also had a powerful argument that his military record and his popularity in conservative Republican Nebraska made him the most electable Democrat against President Bush.

竞争的局势到了剑拔弩张的地步。所有宣布参选的候选人都在新罕布什尔州拼命活动。“荣誉勋章”获得者,也是内布拉斯加州前任州长,参议员鲍勃.克里吸引了众多的选民,因为他是一个特立独行的政客:财政政策上的保守主义者,社会问题上的自由主义者。他的竞选主题是一个范围广泛的提议:为所有的美国人提供医保,过去十年间,全国医疗保险费用的增长率三倍于总体的通货膨胀率,在失去医疗保险的人数与日俱增的新罕布什尔州,医保自然而然是一个受人关注的大问题。克里还有一个有力的参选理由:他在军队的服役记录和内布拉斯加州保守的共和党人对他的力挺。这使他成为最有能力与老布什总统争位的民主党候选人。

 

Senator Tom Harkin of Iowa was the Senates leading advocate for the rights of the disabled; an authority on science and technology issues, which were important to the growing number of New Hampshire suburban voters; and a longtime ally of the labor movement. He argued that it would take an authentic populist campaign to win in November, not a DLC message, which he said had no appeal to real Democrats.

来自爱荷华州的参议员汤姆.哈金,是参议院中保障残疾人权益的主要倡导者;他也是科技问题的权威人士,这一点对新罕布什尔州越来越多的城镇选民来说很重要;另外他还是工会运动长期的支持者。他提出,要想赢得11月的选举,必须发动一场名符其实的平民主义运动,光靠民主党领袖委员会的纲领是没有用的,他称这个纲领对真正的民主党人没有吸引力。

 

Former senator Paul Tsongas of Lowell, Massachusetts, had retired at a young age from a successful career in the Senate to battle cancer. He had become a fitness fanatic who swam vigorously, and publicly, to demonstrate that he was cured and able to be President. Tsongas argued that his premature brush with mortality had liberated him from conventional political constraints, making him more willing than the rest of us to tell voters hard truths they didn’t necessarily want to hear. He had some interesting ideas, which he put forward in a widely distributed campaign booklet.

来自马萨诸塞州洛厄尔的前任参议员保罗.聪格斯,为了与癌症作战,年纪尚轻的时候就从成功的参议院生涯中退了下来。他已经成为一个健身运动的狂热爱好者,精力充沛地游泳,向公众显示他已经战胜了病魔,身体条件允许他担任总统。聪格斯声称,过早地畅游鬼门关的经历使他从传统的政治束缚中解脱出来,与其他候选人相比,他更愿意告诉选民一些他们未必愿意知道的残酷真相。他有一些有趣的理念,都印在一本竞选宣传小册子里广泛分发。

 

Governor Doug Wilder had made history by becoming Virginia’s first African-American governor. He argued that his ability to win in a conservative southern state and his record on education, crime, and balanced budgets proved his electability.

道格.怀尔德州长是弗吉尼亚州的第一位黑人州长,创造了历史。他提出,他能够在南方保守的弗吉尼亚州获胜,他在教育、打击犯罪和平衡财政预算方面的政绩,都证明了他参与总统之位角逐的资格。

 

Soon after I entered the race, former governor Jerry Brown of California also announced. Jerry said he wouldn’t take contributions in amounts over $100 and tried to position himself as the only genuine reformer in the race. The focus of his campaign became a proposal to scrap the complex tax code in favor of a uniform flat tax of 13 percent on all Americans. In 1976, as a young governor, Jerry entered the late primaries and won several of them in a last-minute effort to stop Jimmy Carter. In 1979, I served with him in the National Governors Association, where I came to appreciate his quick mind and often unusual analysis of current events. The only quality his unique political persona lacked was a sense of humor. I liked Jerry, but he took every conversation awfully seriously.

我参选后不久,加利福尼亚州前任州长杰里.布朗也宣布参选。杰里说他不会接受超过100美元的捐款,试图把自己定位为总统竞选中唯一一个真正的改革者。他的竞选焦点成为了一个提议,他有意简化复杂的税收法规,所有美国公民统一缴纳13%的平头税。1976年,为了阻止吉米.卡特入主白宫,共和党尽最后的努力,杰里作为年轻的州长参加了后期的初选,他在几个州获得了胜利。1979年,我和他一起在全国州长协会中共事,其间我越来越欣赏他敏捷的思维和对时事常常与众不同的分析。他独特的政治形象中唯一欠缺的品质是少了点幽默感。我喜欢杰里,但是他把每一次谈话都看得过分认真了。

 

For more than two months after I announced, the campaign was shadowed by the specter that there might be yet another candidate, Governor Mario Cuomo of New York. Cuomo was a huge figure in Democratic politics, our finest orator and a passionate defender of Democratic values during the Reagan-Bush years. Many people thought the nomination was his for the asking, and for a good while I thought he would ask. He took some hard shots at the DLC, at me, and at my ideas on welfare reform and national service. I was magnanimous in public, but I fumed in private and said some things about Mario I regret. I think I was so stung by his criticism because I had always admired him. In mid-December he finally announced that he wouldn’t run. When some of my hard comments about him became public during the New Hampshire primary, all I could do was apologize. Thank goodness, he was big enough to accept it. In the years ahead, Mario Cuomo would become a valued advisor and one of my strongest defenders. I wanted to put him on the Supreme Court, but he didn’t want that job, either. I think he loved his life in New York too much to give it up, a fact the voters didn’t fully appreciate when they denied him a fourth term in 1994.

我宣布参选之后两个多月,有一种可能性浮出水面:纽约州州长马里奥.科莫也许会参选,竞选班子对此忧心。科莫是民主党政界的一个重量级人物,我党最优秀的演说家,在里根和老布什执政期间,他充满激情地维护民主党的价值观。许多人认为只要他提出请求,就肯定会获得提名,而且有一段时间,我以为他将提出参选请求。他猛烈抨击过民主党领袖委员会、责骂过我,还有我关于福利改革和兵役的理念。我在公开场合表现得宽容大度,私下里却气得七窍生烟,说了一些对他不友好的话,这令我后悔。我想,正因为我一直仰慕他,所以他的批评,令我感到“很受伤”。12月中旬,他终于宣布将不参选。在新罕布什尔州的初选中,我针对他说的一些难听的评论流传开来,我唯一能做的就是向他道歉。谢天谢地,他很大度,接受了我的道歉。在接下来的几年里,马里奥.科莫成为一位受到尊重的顾问和最卖力维护我的人之一。我想任命他做最高法院法官,但他也不愿意接受这个工作。我觉得,他太热爱纽约州的生活,到了不愿意放弃的地步,可惜选民并不完全懂得这一点,没有让他在1994年续任州长第四届任期。

 

At the outset of the campaign, I thought my strongest competitor in New Hampshire would be Harkin or Kerrey. Before long, it was clear that I had been mistaken: Tsongas was the man to beat. His hometown was practically on the New Hampshire state line; he had a compelling life story; he demonstrated the toughness and determination to win; and, most important, he was the only other candidate who was competing with me on the essential battleground of ideas, message, and specific, comprehensive proposals.

竞选初期,我以为在新罕布什尔州最强劲的对手是哈金或克里。不久之后,我发现自己估计错了,形势明朗了:聪格斯才是必须打败的人。实际上,他的家乡就在新罕布什尔的州境线上;他的人生经历引人入胜;他展现出了获胜的韧劲和决心;最重要的是,他是候选人当中,唯一一个在竞选理念、纲领、具体而全面的提议方面与我展开实质性争斗的人。

 

Successful presidential campaigns require three basic things. First, people have to be able to look at you and imagine you as President. Then you have to have enough money and support to become known. After that, it’s a battle of ideas, message, and issues. Tsongas met the first two criteria and was out to win the ideas battle. I was determined not to let him do it.

成功的总统竞选活动有三点基本标准。首先,人们必须要能够看着你并且把你与总统的形象联系起来。其次,你必须获得足够的资金和支持才能将自己变得众所周知。再次,这是一场理念、纲领和争议问题的斗争。聪格斯达到了前两点标准,他正全力以赴想赢得理念之战的胜利。我下定决心不能让他得逞。

 

I scheduled three speeches at Georgetown to flesh out my New Covenant theme with specific proposals. They were delivered to students, faculty, supporters, and good press coverage in beautiful, old, wood-paneled Gaston Hall, in the Healy Building. On October 23, the topic was responsibility and community; on November 20, economic opportunity; on December 12, national security.

我在乔治敦安排了三场演讲,用具体的提议来使我的“新契约”主题有血有肉。演讲的地点是希利大楼里镶有木板的古典美观的加斯顿大厅,观众是学院学生、教职工、支持者和适当数量的媒体记者。1023的题目是“责任与集体”;1120的题目是“经济机遇”¨1212的题目是“国家安全”。

 

Together, these speeches allowed me to articulate the ideas and proposals I had developed over the previous decade as governor and with the Democratic Leadership Council. I had helped to write, and deeply believed in, the DLC’s five core beliefs: Andrew Jackson’s credo of opportunity for all and special privileges for none; the basic American values of work and family, freedom and responsibility, faith, tolerance, and inclusion; John Kennedy’s ethic of mutual responsibility, asking citizens to give something back to their country; the advancement of democratic and humanitarian values around the world, and prosperity and upward mobility at home; and Franklin Roosevelt’s commitment to innovation, to modernizing government for the information age and encouraging people by giving them the tools to make the most of their own lives.

通过这三场演说,我阐明了十年来作为州长以及和民主党领袖委员会一起形成的政治理念和提案。我帮助撰写了并笃信民主党领袖委员会的五个核心信念:安德鲁.杰克逊(美国第七任总统,是1812年英美战争中美军的将军,于1815年在新奥尔良打败英军。任总统期间他反对美洲银行,反对各州拥有把相抵触的联邦法律废除的权力,增大了总统的集权)的机会面前人人平等、谁都不能享受特权的信条;工作和家庭、自由权利和责任、忠诚、宽容及融合等美国人的基本价值观;约翰.肯尼迪提出的相互责任的行为准则,要求公民出力报答国家;在全世界,推动民主政体和人道主义价值的传播,促进国内的繁荣和进步;富兰克林.罗斯福坚信的理念——致力于创新和使政府现代化以适应信息时代需要,致力于鼓励人民、给予他们充分享受他们自己生活所需的手段。

 

I was amazed by some of the criticisms of the DLC from the Democratic left, who accused us of being closet Republicans, and from some members of the political press, who had comfortable little boxes marked Democrat and Republican. When we didn’t fit neatly in their ossified Democratic box, they said we didn’t believe in anything. The proof was that we wanted to win national elections, something Democrats apparently weren’t supposed to do.

民主党左派和一些党派媒体的新闻工作者对民主党领袖委员会的批评令我备感惊讶,前者指责我们在私底下其实是共和党人,后者硬是要把人分成“民主党人”和“共和党人”两派才安心。如果我们无法符合他们心中的那个极端守旧的“民主党人”范畴,他们就说我们并没有任何信仰。而证据便是我们希望赢得全国范围的选举,而民主党人显然是不应该这样做的。

 

I believed the DLC was furthering the best values and principles of the Democratic Party with new ideas. Of course, some liberals honestly disagreed with us on welfare reform, trade, fiscal responsibility, and national defense. But our differences with the Republicans were clear. We were against their unfair tax cuts and big deficits; their opposition to the Family and Medical Leave bill and the Brady bill; their failure to adequately fund education or push proven reforms, instead of vouchers; their divisive tactics on racial and gay issues; their unwillingness to protect the environment; their anti-choice stance; and much more. We also had good ideas, like putting 100,000 community police on the streets; doubling the Earned Income Tax Credit to make work more attractive and life better for families with modest incomes; and offering young people a chance to do community service in return for assistance to pay for college.

我认为,民主党领袖委员会通过新的理念,正在将民主党最优秀的价值观和原则进一步发扬光大。当然,一些自由派人士打心眼里不同意我们委员会在福利改革、财政责任和国家防卫方面的观点。但是,我们与共和党人的差异应该还是很明显的。我们反对共和党有失公平的税收减免和庞大的国家财政赤字;抗议他们对家庭与医疗休假法案和布雷迪法案的抵制;批评他们在给教育提供充足资金和推动教育券之外的实践证明可行的改革方面的工作不力;不欣赏他们在种族和同性恋问题上的分裂策略;反感他们对环境保护的不情不愿;与他们反堕胎的立场相反;我们与他们意见不同的方面还有很多,不一而足。我们也有非常好的理念,比如,派遣10万名社区警察上街巡逻;将工作所得抵税加倍以使得工作更具吸引力,改善一般收入家庭的生活;给予年轻人参与社区服务的机会以帮助他们支付上大学的费用。

 

The principles and proposals I advocated could hardly be called Republican-lite or lacking in conviction. Instead, they helped to modernize the Democratic Party and later would be adopted by resurgent center-left parties all over the world, in what would be called the Third Way. Most important, the new ideas, when implemented, would prove to be good for America. The 1991 Georgetown speeches gave me the invaluable opportunity to demonstrate that I had a comprehensive agenda for change and was serious about implementing it.

我提倡的原则和提议很难说是“共和党化”,也不缺乏说服力。恰好相反,这些原则和提议有助于使民主党现代化,迟后还被世界各国复兴的中间偏左的党派采用,也就是所谓的“第三条路线”。最重要的是,这些新的理念得到施行时,被证明是有益于美国。1991年在乔治敦的演说给了我非常宝贵的机遇,我在演讲中展现了一套为了改革而策划的综合项目,并且是真心想将它们贯彻施行。

 

Meanwhile, back in New Hampshire, I put out a campaign booklet of my own, outlining all the specific proposals made in the Georgetown speeches. And I scheduled as many town meetings as possible. One of the early ones was held in Keene, a beautiful college town in the southern part of the state. Our campaign workers had put up flyers around town, but we didn’t know how many people would show up. The room we rented held about two hundred. On the way to the meeting, I asked a veteran campaigner how many people we needed to avoid embarrassment. She said, Fifty. And how many to be judged a success? A hundred and fifty. When we arrived, there were four hundred people. The fire marshal made us put half of them in another room, and I had to do two meetings. It was the first time I knew we could do well in New Hampshire.

与此同时,在新罕布什尔州,竞选组织推出了我的竞选宣传小册子,简要介绍我在乔治敦发表的演说中所有的具体提议。我还尽可能多地安排时间来出席镇民大会。其中较早的一个被安排在基恩,那是新罕布什尔州南部一个风景秀丽的大学城。我们的竞选工作人员在大学城里到处张贴了海报,但是我们拿不准会有多少人来参加大会。我们租的屋子大概能容纳200人。在路上,我问一个组织竞选活动的老手,需要有多少人到场我们才不会显得难堪?她答道:"50。”那么多少人到场才算成功?她答道,“150。”结果,等我们到场的时候,那里聚集了400人。消防局长要求我们把一半人安排到另一间屋子,所以我必须参加两场会议。那时,我头一次感到,我们将在新罕布什尔州有所斩获。

 

Usually I talked for fifteen minutes or so and spent an hour or more answering questions. At first I worried about being too detailed and policy wonky in the answers, but I soon realized that people were looking for substance over style. They were really hurting and wanted to understand what was happening to them and how they could get out of the fix they were in. I learned a lot just listening to the questions I got from people at those town meetings and other campaign stops.

一般情况下,我的演讲时间是15分钟左右,然后花大约一个多小时回答问题。刚开始我担心自己讲得过于详细,在回答问题的时候可能出现“政策不靠谱”,很快我就意识到人们不太关心外在,更在乎内容。他们有着切肤之痛,想了解发生在他们身上的一切以及如何才能摆脱目前的困境。就是在这样的镇民大会和其它竞选活动站点,只是通过聆听人们提出的问题,我就极大地增长了见识。

 

An elderly couple, Edward and Annie Davis, told me they often had to choose between buying their prescription drugs and buying food. A high school student said her unemployed father was so ashamed he couldn’t look at his family over dinner; he just hung his head. I met veterans in American Legion halls and found they were more concerned with the deterioration of health care at Veterans Administration hospitals than with my opposition to the Vietnam War. I was especially moved by the story of Ron Machos, whose son Ronnie was born with a heart problem. He had lost his job in the recession and couldn’t find another one with health insurance to cover the large medical costs he knew were coming. When the New Hampshire Democrats held a convention to hear from all the candidates, a group of students carrying a CLINTON FOR PRESIDENT banner, who had been recruited by their teacher, my old friend from Arkansas Jan Paschal, led me to the podium. One of them made a particular impression on me. Michael Morrison was in a wheelchair, but it didn’t slow him down. He was supporting me because he was being raised by a single mother on a modest income, and he thought I was committed to giving all kids a chance to go to college and get a good job.

一对老年夫妇,爱德华.戴维斯和安妮.戴维斯,告诉我说他们常常必须在买他们需要的处方药和买食品之间进行选择。一个高中生说,她失业的父亲感到极为羞愧,吃饭的时候都不敢正视自己的家人。我在美国退伍军人协会的礼堂里会见了一些老兵,发现他们更关心的是退伍军人管理局医院的医疗保健质量的恶化,而不是我反对越南战争的立场。罗恩.马乔斯的故事尤其令我感动,他的儿子罗尼患有先天性心脏病。在经济衰退中,他失去了工作,至今没有找到一份提供医疗保险能偿付即将到来的巨额医疗费用的工作。新罕布什尔州的民主党人举行了一个大会,来聆听所有候选人的陈述,来自阿肯色州的我的老朋友简.帕斯卡尔发动她的一群学生,举着“克林顿竞选总统”的牌子把我领到了讲台。其中一个学生给我留下的印象尤其深刻。迈克尔.莫里森是坐在轮椅里的一名学生,不过他的动作并不慢。他之所以支持我,是因为他是由收入不高的单身母亲抚养长大的,他认为我致力于为所有孩子提供一个机会,他他们能够上大学和找到好工作。

 

By December, the campaign was on a roll. On December 2, James Carville and his partner, Paul Begala, joined us. They were colorful characters and a hot political property, having recently helped elect Governor Bob Casey and Senator Harris Wofford in Pennsylvania, and Governor Zell Miller in Georgia. Zell first got Carville on the phone for me so that I could set up a meeting with him and Begala. Like Frank Greer and me, they were part of an endangered but hardy political species, white southern Democrats. Carville was a Louisiana Cajun and ex-marine who had a great strategic sense and a deep commitment to progressive politics. He and I had a lot in common, including strong-willed, down-to-earth mothers whom we adored. Begala was a witty dynamo from Sugar Land, Texas, who blended aggressive populism with his Catholic social conscience. I wasn’t the only candidate who wanted to hire them, and when they signed on, they brought energy, focus, and credibility to our efforts.

12月,我的竞选活动势如破竹。122,詹姆斯.卡维尔和他的搭档保罗.贝加拉加入了我们的行列。他们都是性格丰富多彩的人物,都是被人竞相拉拢的政治资产,刚刚帮助宾夕法尼亚州的州长鲍勃.凯西和参议员哈里斯.沃福德,还有乔治亚州的州长泽尔.米勒获得竞选的胜利。首先我,泽尔为我打通了卡维尔的电话,以便我能与卡维尔及贝加拉约定见面事宜。与我和弗兰克.格里尔一样,他们俩属于濒危但生存能力很强的政治人种,南方的白人民主党人。卡维尔是移居美国路易斯安那州的法国人后裔,做过海军陆战队员,极有谋略,深入地献身于进步主义政治。我和他有很多共同点,其中一点是我们都有一个受我们敬爱的意志坚强、讲求实际的母亲。贝加拉是一个机智幽默的人,能够以活力鼓舞他人,他来自德克萨斯州的舒格兰,信奉积极进取的平民主义,却又有着天主教徒特有的社会良知。我不是唯一一个想聘请他们的候选人,当他们签字加入的时候,他们给我们的竞选带来的是活力、公众的关注和公信力。

 

On December 10, I spoke to the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, and two days later I delivered the third and final Georgetown speech, on national security. I got a lot of help with the speeches from my longtime friend Sandy Berger, who had been deputy director of policy planning in the State Department during the Carter years. Sandy recruited three other Carter-era foreign policy experts to helpTony Lake, Dick Holbrooke, and Madeleine Albrightalong with a bright, Australian-born expert on the Middle East, Martin Indyck. All would play important roles in the years ahead. In mid-December, it was enough that they helped me cross the threshold of understanding and competence in foreign affairs.

1210,在全美主要犹太人组织的主席讨论会上,我发表了演讲,两天后,我在乔治敦发表了第三场也是最后一场演讲,内容是关于国家安全的。我的这些演讲得到了老朋友桑迪.伯杰的很大帮助,卡特入主白宫期间,他是国务院政策规划副主任。桑迪征募了卡特时期的另外三位外交专家——托尼.莱克、迪克.霍尔布鲁克和马德莱娜.奥尔布赖特——来帮忙,还有一位在澳大利亚出生的才华横溢的中东问题专家马丁.安迪克。在接下来的几年里,他们都扮演着重要的角色。12月中旬,他们向我提供的帮助,足够我了解基本的外交知识和技巧。

 

On December 15, I won the nonbinding Florida straw poll at the state Democratic convention with 54 percent of the delegates. I knew many of them from my three visits to the convention in the 1980s, and I had by far the strongest campaign organization, headed by Lieutenant Governor Buddy McKay. Hillary and I also worked the delegates hard, as did her brothers, Hugh and Tony, who lived in Miami, and Hugh’s wife, Maria, a Cuban-American lawyer.

1215,我在佛罗里达州民主党代表大会上,获得了代表们54%的选票,赢得了这场不具约束力的意向性投票。80年代我曾三次出席该州的这个大会,结识了其中一些的代表,而且我还背靠由副州长巴迪.麦凯领导的竞选组织,那是距那时为止最强大的竞选组织。我和希拉里也对代表们花了很多精力做工作,生活在迈阿密的她的弟弟休和托尼,还有休的妻子——古巴裔的律师玛丽亚也帮了很多忙。

 

Two days after the Florida win, an Arkansas fund-raiser netted $800,000 for the campaign, far more than had ever before been raised at a single event there. On December 19, the Nashville Banner became the first newspaper to endorse me. On December 20, Governor Cuomo said he wouldn’t run. Then Senator Sam Nunn and Governor Zell Miller of Georgia gave the campaign a huge boost when they endorsed me. Georgia’s primary came just before Super Tuesday, along with Maryland’s and Colorado’s.

在赢得佛罗里达州的意向性投票的两天后,阿肯色州的一个筹款人为竞选筹得了80万美元,远远超过以前任何一次筹款的数目。1219,《纳什维尔旗帜报》成了第一家表态支持我的报纸。1220,科莫州长宣布将不参选。随后,乔治亚州参议员萨姆.纳恩和州长泽尔.米勒宣布支持我,大力地推了竞选活动一把。乔治亚州的初选正好就在“超级星期二”之前,同时举行初选的还有马里兰州和科罗拉多州。

 

Meanwhile, President Bush’s troubles mounted, as Pat Buchanan announced his intention to enter the GOP primaries with a George Wallace-like attack on the President from the right. Conservative Republicans were upset with the President for signing a $492 billion deficit-reduction package passed by the Democratic Congress because, in addition to spending cuts, it contained a five-cent gas-tax increase. Bush had brought the Republican convention to its feet in 1988 with his famous line Read my lipsno new taxes. He did the responsible thing in signing the deficit-reduction package, but in doing so he broke his most visible campaign commitment and violated the anti-tax theology of his party’s right-wing base.

与此同时,老布什总统那边是接二连三地出麻烦,由于帕特.布坎南宣布将参加老大党的初选,立足保守派,对布什总统发起了乔治.华莱士(曾任阿拉巴马州州长,4次参选美国总统,保卫派的代表人物)般地的进攻。因为总统签署了民主党占多数的国会通过的减少4920亿美元赤字的一揽子法案,共和党保守派对此感到恼火,因为除了减少开支,这一揽子法案还包含增加5美分的汽油税。1988年,老布什的名言“看我的嘴型——不再加税”曾让共和党代表大会的代表们起立为他鼓掌欢呼。签署减少赤字的一揽子议案是负责任的做法,但是这样一来,他背弃了他最令人瞩目的竞选承诺,冒犯了共和党右翼的“永不加赋”教条。

 

The conservatives didn’t direct all their fire at the President; I got my fair share, too, from a group called ARIAS, which stood for Alliance for the Rebirth of an Independent American Spirit. ARIAS was led in part by Cliff Jackson, an Arkansan whom I’d known and liked at Oxford, but who was now a conservative Republican with a deep personal animosity toward me. When ARIAS ran TV, radio, and newspaper ads attacking my record, we responded quickly and aggressively. The attacks might have done the campaign more good than harm, because answering them highlighted my accomplishments as governor, and because the source of the attacks made them suspect among New Hampshire Democrats. Two days before Christmas, a New Hampshire poll placed me second to Paul Tsongas and closing fast. The year ended on a good note.

共和党保守派并非只把火力对准老布什总统。我同样遭到了一个缩写为ARIAS的组织——全称是独立美国精神复兴联盟——猛烈攻击。独立美国精神复兴联盟的其中一个领导人是克利夫.杰克逊,我在牛津大学认识和并对他有过好感,他也是一个阿肯色州人,但他如今是共和党保守派的一分子,怀着极深的敌意针对我。当独立美国精神复兴联盟在电视、电台和报纸上播放或刊登广告拿我的从政履历说事时,我们进行了快速而且有攻击性的还击。它的这些抨击对我的竞选也许是利大于弊,因为回击的时候,我方着力强调了我作为州长的政绩,而这些抨击也令新罕布什尔州的民主党人怀疑是有人在幕后煽风点火。圣诞节前两天,新罕布什尔州的一项民意调查显示,我的支持率仅次于保罗.聪格斯,而且正在迎头赶上。伴随着我的竞选顺利进行,1991年结束了。

 

On January 8, Governor Wilder withdrew from the race, reducing the competition for African-American voters, especially in the South. At about the same time, Frank Greer produced a great television ad, highlighting New Hampshire’s economic problems and my plan to remedy them, and we moved ahead of Tsongas in public polls. By the second week of January, our campaign had raised $3.3 million in less than three months, half of it from Arkansas. It seems a paltry sum today, but it was good enough to lead the field in early 1992.

199218,怀尔德州长退出了总统竞选,减轻了对黑人尤其是南方黑人选票的争夺强度。几乎与此同时,弗兰克.格里尔的人制作了一个非常出色的广告片,重点突出了新罕布什尔州的经济问题以及我对此问题的解救办法,我们在民意测验中开始领先于聪格斯。到1月的第二个星期为止,我们的竞选班子在不到三个月的时间里筹集330万美元,其中有一半来自阿肯色州。今天来看,这个数目并不大,但在1992年初,这笔钱足以帮助我们在竞选中当领头羊。

 

The campaign seemed to be on track until January 23, when the Little Rock media received advance notice of a story in the February 4 issue of the tabloid newspaper Star, in which Gennifer Flowers said she had carried on a twelve-year affair with me. Her name had been on the list of five women Larry Nichols alleged I had affairs with during the 1990 governors race. At the time, she had strongly denied it. At first we didn’t know how seriously the press would take her about-face, so we stuck with the schedule. I took a long drive to Claremont, in southwestern New Hampshire, to tour a brush factory. The people who ran it wanted to sell their products to Wal-Mart, and I wanted to help them. At some point, Dee Dee Myers went into the plant’s small office and called headquarters. Flowers was claiming that she had tapes of ten phone conversations with me that supposedly proved the truth of her allegations.

我的竞选似乎顺风顺水,但在123,小石城的媒体收到一家小报——《星报》将在24刊登一篇报道的预先通知,在这篇报道里,珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯说她与我有长达12年的情史。在1990年我竞选阿肯色州州长的时候,拉里.尼科尔斯曾声称我与五个女人有风流韵事,珍妮弗便是其中之一。那时候,她义正词严地加以否认。刚开始我们不知道媒体如何看待她立场的180度转变,所以依旧按计划日程安排工作。我长途驱车到了新罕布什尔州西南部的克莱尔蒙特,参观当地的一家刷子厂。经营这家工厂的人希望把产品卖给沃尔玛,我想从中帮助他们。在其间某一时刻,迪..迈尔斯走进工厂的小办公室给竞选总部打电话。弗劳尔斯声称,她手头上有和我的十次电话谈话的录音,她认为这些录音将证明她的指控是真实的。

 

A year earlier, Flowers’s lawyer had written a letter to a Little Rock radio station threatening a libel suit because one of its talk-show hosts had repeated some of the allegations in a Larry Nichols press release, saying the station had wrongfully and untruthfully accused her of having an affair. We didn’t know what was on whatever tapes Flowers might have, but I remembered the conversations clearly, and I didn’t think there could be anything damaging on them. Flowers, whom I’d known since 1977 and had recently helped get a state job, had called me to complain that the media were harassing her even at the place she was singing at night, and that she felt her job was threatened. I commiserated with her, but I hadn’t thought it was a big deal. After Dee Dee went to work trying to discover more about what the Star was planning to publish, I called Hillary and told her what was going on. Fortunately, she was staying at the Georgia Governor’s Mansion on a campaign trip, and Zell and Shirley Miller were wonderful to her.

一年前,弗劳尔斯的律师给小石城一家电台发了一封律师信,威胁要对这个电台以诽谤罪提起诉讼,因为电台的一位脱口秀主持人一直重复拉里.尼科尔斯在记者招待会上发表的一些主观臆测,信中还说,电台已经错误地、不真实地指责了弗劳尔斯进行不正当男女关系。我们不知道弗劳尔斯的任何磁带上的任何内容,但是我对这些电话谈话记得很清楚,不认为其中有什么会对我造成不利影响的内容。我从1977年就认识弗劳尔斯,最近还帮她在州政府谋了一份差事,她曾打电话向我抱怨,媒体甚至跑到她登台演歌的地方去骚扰她,她觉得这样下去有可能会使她丢掉饭碗。我对她感到同情,我当时也并不认为这事有多么严重。迪.迪试图了解更多的《星报》即将刊登的内容,我也给希拉里打了电话,告诉她发生的一切。幸运的是,她当时正在一个竞选活动的旅途中,在乔治亚州的州长官邸中歇息,泽尔和雪莉.米勒夫妇热情周到地照顾了她。

 

The Flowers story hit with explosive force, and it proved irresistible to the media, though some of the stories cast doubt on her accusations. The press reported that Flowers had been paid for the story, and that she had vigorously denied an affair a year earlier. The media, to their credit, exposed Flowers’s false claims about her education and work history. These reports, however, were dwarfed by the allegations. I was dropping in the New Hampshire polls, and Hillary and I decided we should accept an invitation from the CBS program 60 Minutes to answer questions about the charges and the state of our marriage. It was not an easy call. We wanted to defend against the scandal coverage and to get back to the real issues without demeaning ourselves and adding fuel to the fire of personal-destruction politics, which I had deplored even before it burned me. I had already said I hadn’t lived a perfect life. If that was the standard, someone else would have to be elected President.

关于弗劳尔斯的报道掀起了轩然大波,这则消息被证明是媒体无法抗拒的,尽管媒体一些报道也对她所谓的事实提出了质疑。据媒体报道,弗劳尔斯是因为有人付钱才把这事给捅出来的,一年前她曾拼命否认这则绯闻。值得称道的是,媒体也挖出了弗劳尔斯在教育和工作经历方面撒的谎。但是,这些报道还是大篇幅地侧重于这出所谓的婚外情。我在新罕布什尔州民意调查中的支持率开始下降,我和希拉里决定接受邀请,参加哥伦比亚广播公司的"60分钟”栏目,就这些指控和我们的婚姻状况回答问题。做出这样的决定并不容易。我们想防卫自己,免受这种恶意诽谤的新闻报道的不利影响,回到讨论实质性问题上来,同时,我们既不能委曲求全,也不能助长这种针对个人毁灭的政治手段的气焰,即便是在这种气焰没有烧到我之前我对此已经是很不满了。我已经说过,我的生活并非完美。如果生活完美是标准,当选总统的应该另有其人。

 

We taped the program at the Ritz-Carlton in Boston on Sunday morning, January 26, for showing later that night, after the Super Bowl. We talked to the interviewer, Steve Kroft, for over an hour. He began by asking if Flowers’s story was true. When I said it wasn’t, he asked if I had had any affairs. Perhaps I should have used Rosalynn Carter’s brilliant response to a similar question in 1976: If I had, I wouldn’t tell you. Since I wasn’t as blameless as Mrs. Carter, I decided not to be cute. Instead, I said that I had already acknowledged causing pain in my marriage, that I had already said more about the subject than any other politician ever had and would say no more, and that the American people understood what I meant.

126,星期天,这天上午,我们在波士顿的丽嘉酒店录制了这个节目,安排在当晚超级杯比赛之后播出。我们与采访记者史蒂夫.克罗夫特谈了一个多小时。他一开始便问弗劳尔斯说的事件是否属实。我回答说不是,他便问我是否有过婚外情。也许我应该借用罗莎琳.卡特在1976年对一个相似问题非常机智的回答:“如果我有的话,我不会告诉你。”既然我不像卡特夫人那样无可责难,我决定不耍这个小聪明。所以,我回答说,我已经承认了给我的婚姻带来过伤痛,就这个问题我已经讲过的话,比其他任何政客都多,我想就此收声,再说,美国人民明白我的意思。

 

Kroft, unbelievably, asked me again. His only goal in the interview was to get a specific admission. Finally, after a series of questions about Gennifer Flowers, he got around to Hillary and me, referring to our marriage as an arrangement. I wanted to slug him. Instead, I said, Wait a minute. You’re looking at two people who love each other. This is not an arrangement or an understanding. This is a marriage. Hillary then said she was sitting in the interview with me because I love him and I respect him and I honor what he’s been through and what we’ve been through together. And you know, if that’s not enough for people, then heck, don’t vote for him. After the early mud wrestling, Kroft grew more civil, and there were some good exchanges about Hillary’s and my life together. They were all cut out when the long interview was edited, down to about ten minutes, apparently because the Super Bowl shortened the program.

难以置信的是,克罗夫特又问了我一遍。他采访的唯一目的就是得到我明确的“招供”。在提出了一长串关于珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯的问题之后,终于,他问及关于我和希拉里的问题,说我们的婚姻是一种协议。我真想重重地给他一拳。不过我还是回答说:“你这么说不对吧。我告诉你,你正看着的是两个相爱的人。这不是一个协议或协定。这是一段婚姻。”希拉里接着说道,她坐在这里和我一起接受采访,是“因为我爱他(克林顿)的爱和尊重他,而且我尊重他所经历的一切和我们一起经历的一切。而且,你也知道,如果大家觉得这样还不够,那就不管三七二十一,不要投票支持他好了。”经过了采访初期的“泥浆战”之后,克罗夫特斯文了很多,和我们谈论起我和希拉里一起生活的内容,氛围相当融洽。可惜,在对这段漫长的访谈进行剪辑的时候,这些对话都被删掉了,只剩下大约十分钟的内容,显然是因为超级杯将这个节目的时间缩减了。

 

At some point during the session, the very bright, very hot overhead light above the couch Hillary and I were sitting on came loose from its tape on the ceiling and fell. It was directly above Hillary’s head, and if it had hit her, she could have been burned badly. Somehow I saw it out of the corner of my eye and jerked her over onto my lap a split second before it crashed on the spot where she had been sitting. She was scared, and rightly so. I just stroked her hair and told her that it was all right and that I loved her. After the ordeal, we flew home to watch the show with Chelsea. When it was over, I asked Chelsea what she thought. She said, I think I’m glad you’re my parents.

采访中的某个时刻,我和希拉里坐着的沙发上方有一盏很明亮很烫的灯,灯上的胶带松了,灯掉了下来。灯就在希拉里的头顶上,如果真砸着她的话,她一定会被严重烫伤的。不知怎么的,我眼睛的余光看到了这个情况,就在灯砸上希拉里之前一瞬间,我伸手把她拽过来趴在我的腿上。希拉里吓坏了,她也应该感到害怕。我只是抚摸着她的头发告诉她,没关系,我爱她。熬过受罪般的采访之后,我们坐飞机回家和切尔西一起看这个节目。她说:“我觉得自己很乐意做你们的女儿。”

 

The next morning I flew to Jackson, Mississippi, for a breakfast organized by former governor Bill Winter and Mike Espy, both of whom had endorsed me early. I was uncertain whether anyone would come and what the reception would be. To my immense relief, they had to get extra chairs for a larger-than-expected crowd that seemed genuinely glad to see me. So I went back to work.

第二天早上,我飞到密西西比州的首府杰克逊市,参加前任州长比尔.温特和迈克.埃斯皮为我组织的早餐会,他们两人很早就表态支持我。我不知道究竟是否有人来,招待会究竟是什么情形。结果,让我如释重负,他们不得不另外加座,出席的人比预期的多,而且群众们打心眼里高兴见到我。就这样,我恢复了到正常工作状态。

 

It wasn’t over, however. Gennifer Flowers gave a press conference to a packed house in New York’s Waldorf-Astoria Hotel. She repeated her story and said she was sick of lying about it. She also acknowledged that she had been approached by a local Republican candidate who asked her to go public, but she declined to name him. Some of her tapes were played at the press conference, but except for proving that I had talked to her on the telephone, a fact I hadn’t denied, the content of the tapes was anticlimactic, given all the hoopla about them.

然而,事情并未就此结束。珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯在纽约的华尔道夫酒店一个挤满人的房间里召开了记者招待会。她再一次讲述了和我“有染”的故事,还说她已经厌烦了为此而说谎。她也承认,当地的一位共和党候选人曾找过她,要她把这事公之于众,但是她拒绝透露他的名字。她当场播放了一些录音带,但只能证明我曾经与她有过电话交谈,这一点我从未否认过,与之前的大肆渲染相比,录音带的内容太没劲了。

 

Despite some later coverage, the Flowers media circus was ending. I think the chief reason was that we had managed to put it in the right perspective on 60 Minutes. The public understood that I hadn’t been perfect and wasn’t pretending to be, but people also knew that there were many more important issues confronting the country. And a lot of people were repelled at the cash for trash aspects of the coverage. At about this time, Larry Nichols decided to drop his lawsuit, and he issued a public apology for, in his words, trying to destroy me: The media has made a circus out of this thing and now its gone way too far. When that Star article first came out, several women called asking if I was willing to pay them to say that they had had an affair with Bill Clinton. This is crazy. Questions were raised about the tapes that were played at Flowers’s press conference. The Star declined to release the original tapes. A Los Angeles television station retained an expert who stated that while he didn’t know that the tape was, in his words, doctored, it definitely had been selectively edited. CNN also ran some critical coverage, based on the analysis of its own expert.

尽管后来还出现了一些报道,但弗劳尔斯事件引发的媒体闹剧接近尾声。我认为,最主要的原因是我们在“60分钟”节目里成功地引导了人们去正确地看待这件事。公众知道我一直都不是个完人,也没有假装自己是个完人,不过人们也知道,这个国家面临着许多更为重要的问题。很多人拒绝花钱去买垃圾般的新闻报道。大约在这个时候,拉里.尼科尔斯决定撤回诉讼,并为他所说的试图“毁掉”我的行为公开道歉:“媒体对这件事大肆炒作,现在已经做得太过火了。《星报》那篇文章刊出之后,有几个女子给我打电话,问我是否愿意付钱请她们曝料说与克林顿有婚外情。这简直是疯了。”也有人对弗劳尔斯在记者招待会上播放的录音带提出了质疑。《星报》拒绝公开原始录音带。洛杉矶的一家电视台雇请了一位这方面的专家,这位专家宣称,尽管他不知道这些录音带是不是“修改过的”,却能肯定它们被“有选择地编辑过”。有线电视新闻网也根据所请专家的分析,对这个事件进行了若干批评性的报道。

 

As I’ve said, I first met Gennifer Flowers in 1977 when I was attorney general and she was a television reporter for a local station who often interviewed me. Soon afterward, she left Arkansas to pursue an entertainment career, I believe as a backup singer for country music star Roy Clark. At some point, she moved to Dallas. In the late eighties, she moved back to Little Rock to be near her mother and called to ask me to help her find a state job to supplement her income from singing. I referred her to Judy Gaddy on my staff, who was responsible for referring the many job seekers who asked for help with state employment to various agencies. After nine months, Flowers finally got a position paying less than $20,000 a year.

我已经说过,我与珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯相识于1977年,当时我是阿肯色州的检察长,她是当地一家电视台的记者,经常采访我。之后不久,她离开阿肯色州,希望在娱乐业一展手脚,我记得是给乡村歌手罗伊.克拉克担任伴唱。在某个时段,她搬去了达拉斯。80年代后期,她搬回到小石城,靠近她母亲的身边,打电话请我帮她在州内找一份工作,作为她唱歌收入的补充。我把她介绍给我的工作人员朱迪.加迪,朱迪的工作职责是把许多向州里就业部门要求帮助找工作的人,介绍给各种各样的机构。九个月后,弗劳尔斯终于谋得了一份工作,薪水一年不到两万美元。

 

Gennifer Flowers struck me as a tough survivor who’d had a less-than-ideal childhood and disappointments in her career but kept going. She was later quoted in the press as saying that she might vote for me and, on another occasion, that she didn’t believe Paula Jones’s allegations of sexual harassment. Ironically, almost exactly six years after my January 1992 appearance on 60 Minutes, I had to give a deposition in the Paula Jones case, and I was asked questions about Gennifer Flowers. I acknowledged that, back in the 1970s, I had had a relationship with her that I should not have had. Of course, the whole line of questioning had nothing to do with Jones’s spurious sexual-harassment claim; it was just a part of the long, well-financed attempt to damage and embarrass me personally and politically. But I was under oath, and of course, if I hadn’t done anything wrong, I couldn’t have been embarrassed. My critics leapt on it. Ironically, even though they were sure the rest of the deposition was untruthful, this one answer they accepted as fact. The fact is, there was no twelve-year affair. Gennifer Flowers still has a suit against James Carville, Paul Begala, and Hillary for allegedly slandering her. I don’t wish her ill, but now that I’m not President anymore, I do wish she’d let them be.

珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯给我的印象是一个能够在困境中生存下来的人,她的童年并不理想,事业路也不是一条坦途,但她一直坚持奋斗。后来,媒体援引她的话说,她有可能会投票支持我,而在另一个场合,她声称,不相信葆拉.琼斯对我提出的性骚扰指控的真实的。具有讽刺意味的是,在19921月的"60分钟”节目亮相差不多整整六年之后,我不得不因为葆拉.琼斯案出庭宣誓作证,还被问及有关珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯的事。我承认,在70年代和她有过一段关系,那是不应该发生的。当然,这些质询与葆拉.琼斯对我不实的性骚扰指控没有关联;事实是有人提供了足够的资金企图长期地从人身和政治上诋毁我,让我难堪,而这些质询只是这种阴谋的一部分。但是我是宣了誓的,而且很自然地,如果我没有做过任何错事,我就不可能感到难堪。我的批评者争相落井下石。讽刺的是,尽管他们认定其它证词并不真实,他们却认为我的这一回答是事实,即,不存在12年的婚外情史。珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯现在仍在起诉詹姆斯.卡维尔、保罗.贝加拉和希拉里,声称希拉里诽谤她。我并不认为她怀有恶意,但是,现在既然我已经不是总统了,我是真心希望她不要继续翻他们的陈年旧账了。

 

A few days after the firestorm broke, I called Eli Segal and pleaded with him to come down to Little Rock to be a mature, settling presence in the headquarters. When he asked how I could want the help of someone like him, who had worked only in losing presidential campaigns, I cracked, I’m desperate. Eli laughed and came, becoming the campaigns chief of staff in charge of the central office, finances, and the campaign plane. Early in the month, Ned McWherter, Brereton Jones, and Booth Gardner, respectively the governors of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Washington, endorsed me. Those who had already done so, including Dick Riley of South Carolina, Mike Sullivan of Wyoming, Bruce King of New Mexico, George Sinner of North Dakota, and Zell Miller of Georgia, reaffirmed their support. So did Senator Sam Nunn, with the caveat that he wanted to wait and see what further stories came out.

“弗劳尔斯风波”爆发之后几天,我打电话给埃里.西格尔,恳请他来小石城,以他的成熟风范坐镇竞选总部,起到稳定军心的作用。他问我怎么会请他这样的人来帮忙,要知道他帮助过的候选人都没有赢得总统大选,我调侃道:“我走投无路了。”埃里大笑,答应过来帮手,他担任了竞选办公室主任,主管竞选中心办公室、财务和竞选专机。这个月初,田纳西州、肯塔基州和华盛顿州的内德.麦克沃特、布里尔顿.琼斯和布思.加德纳三位州长表态支持我。在此之前已经表态支持我的州长,比如南卡罗来纳州的迪克.赖利、怀俄明州的迈克.沙利文、新墨西哥州的布鲁斯.金、北达科他州的乔治.辛纳和乔治亚州的泽尔.米勒重申了他们的支持态度。萨姆.纳恩参议员也一样,但他也告诫称:他想等着瞧,看还有什么事情会被踢爆出来。

 

A national poll said that 70 percent of the American people thought the press shouldn’t report on the private lives of public figures. In another, 80 percent of the Democrats said their votes wouldn’t be affected even if the Flowers story was true. That sounds good, but 20 percent is a lot to give up right off the bat. Nevertheless, the campaign picked up steam again, and it seemed that at least we could finish a strong second to Tsongas, which I thought would be good enough to get me to the southern primaries.

一项全国性的民意调查显示,70%的美国人认为媒体不应该报道公众人物的私生活。在另一项民意调查中,80%的民主党人表示,即便弗劳尔斯与我的婚外情是真的,他们的选择也不会受到影响。这听上去很不错,但是,立马失去20%的支持怎么听都不是好事。不管怎么样,竞选的形势有了好转,看起来,最起码我们可以达到仅次于聪格斯的位置,并对他构成强大的威胁,我认为这个结果很不错,足以把我送入南方的民主党党内初选。

 

Then, just as the campaign seemed to be recovering, there was another big shock when the draft story broke. On February 6, the Wall Street Journal ran a story on my draft experience and on my relationship with the ROTC program at the University of Arkansas in 1969. When the campaign began, I was unprepared for the draft questions, and I mistakenly said I had never had a draft deferment during my Oxford years; in fact, I did have one from August 7 through October 20, 1969. Even worse, Colonel Eugene Holmes, who had agreed to let me join the program, now claimed that I had misled him to get out of the draft. In 1978, when reporters asked him about the charge, he said he had dealt with hundreds of cases and didn’t recall anything specific about mine. Coupled with my own misstatement that I had never had a deferment, the story made it seem that I was misleading people about why I wasn’t drafted. That wasn’t true, but at the time I couldn’t prove it. I didn’t remember and didn’t find Jeff Dwire’s tape relaying his friendly conversation with Holmes in March 1970, after I was out of the ROTC program and back in the draft. Jeff was dead, as was Bill Armstrong, the head of my local draft board. And all draft records from that period had been destroyed.

随后,就在竞选形势刚有起色的时候,我规避兵役的事件又给捅了出来,给了我重重一击。26,《华尔街日报》刊登文章,揭露我规避兵役的前前后后,以及1969年在阿肯色大学期间与后备役军官训练计划的关系。竞选初期,我没有对这个问题进行准备,犯了个错误,说自己在牛津大学上学期间没有申请延迟服兵役;事实上,我申请从196987延迟到1020。更糟糕的是,同意让我加入后备役军官训练计划的尤金.霍尔姆斯上校现在却说,我对他进行误导而逃避服兵役。1978年,记者问到这个问题时,他说处理过成百上千的案例,但对我的这件事没有任何具体的记忆。外加我虚报自己并未申请延迟服兵役,这个事件给选民的表象便是,我在为什么没有服兵役这件事上欺瞒他们。事实并非如此,但在当时我无法证明自己所说的是真相。我不记得也没有找到杰夫.德怀尔录下的那盘磁带,上面录有19703月他与霍尔姆斯上校之间的友好对话,那时我已经脱离了完后备役军官训练计划,回到征兵名单上了。杰夫已经去世了,我们当地的征兵委员会主席比尔.阿姆斯特朗也去世了。那个时期的征兵记录也已经全部被销毁了。

 

Holmes’s attack surprised me, because it contradicted his earlier statements. It’s been suggested that Holmes may have had some help with his memory from his daughter Linda Burnett, a Republican activist who was working for President Bush’s reelection.

我对霍尔姆斯的抨击感到惊讶,因为这与他以前的说辞自相矛盾。有人曾提及,霍尔姆斯的女儿琳达.伯内特是共和党的激进分子,当时她正帮助老布什谋求连任,可能是她让霍尔姆斯“恢复”了一些记忆。

 

Closer to the election, on September 16, Holmes would issue a more detailed denunciation questioning my patriotism and integrity and saying again that I had deceived him. Apparently, the statement was drafted by his daughter, with guidance from the office of my old opponent, Congressman John Paul Hammerschmidt, and had been revised by several Bush campaign officials.

916,选举日更加临近的时候,霍尔姆斯发布了一个更详细的谴责声明,对我的爱国之心和正直情操提出质疑,再次声称是我花言巧语糊弄了他。显而易见,这个声明由他的女儿草拟,我的老对手众议员约翰.保罗.哈默施密特办公室给予了指导,而老布什竞选班子的几名官员进行了修改。

 

A few days after the story broke, and just a week from election day in New Hampshire, Ted Koppel, anchor of ABC’s Nightline, called David Wilhelm and said that he had a copy of my now famous draft letter to Colonel Holmes, and that ABC would be doing a story about it. I had forgotten all about the letter, and ABC agreed to send us a copy, which they graciously did. When I read it, I could see why the Bush campaign was sure that the letter and Colonel Holmes’s revised account of the ROTC episode would sink me in New Hampshire.

这个报道被捅出后几天,离新罕布什尔州的选举日还有一个星期,美国广播公司“晚间报道”节目主持人特德.科佩尔打电话给戴维.威廉,说他手里有一封我写给霍尔姆斯上校的与兵役有关的信的副本(如今已是众人皆知了),还说美国广播公司将会对此进行报道。我完全忘记了信的内容,美国广播公司同意寄给我一个复印件,而且他们客气有礼地寄来了。我读了信之后,才明白为什么老布什竞选班子确信这封信,加上霍尔姆斯上校在后备军官训练军团这段插曲上的改口,能将我在新罕布什尔州置于死地。

 

That night Mickey Kantor, Bruce Lindsey, James Carville, Paul Begala, George Stephanopoulos, Hillary, and I met in one of our rooms at the Days Inn Motel in Manchester. We were getting killed in the press. Now there was a double-barreled attack on my character. All the television pundits said I was dead as a doornail. George was curled up on the floor, practically in tears. He asked if it wasn’t time to think about withdrawing. Carville paced the floor, waving the letter around and shouting, Georgie! Georgie! That’s crazy. This letter is our friend. Anyone who actually reads it will think he’s got character! Though I loved his never say die attitude, I was calmer than he was. I knew that George’s only political experience had been in Washington, and that, unlike us, he might actually believe the press should decide who was worthy and who wasn’t. I asked, George, do you still think I’d be a good President? Yes, he said. Then get up and go back to work. If the voters want to withdraw me, they’ll do it on election day. I’m going to let them decide.

那天夜里,米基.坎特、布鲁斯.林赛、詹姆斯.卡维尔、保罗.贝加拉、乔治.斯迪法诺普洛斯、还有我和希拉里在曼彻斯特的天天汽车旅馆的一个房间里开会。媒体正在对我的竞选活动进行毁灭般的抨击。现在对我人格的攻击来自一把双筒枪。所有的电视评论员都说我“必死无疑”。乔治蜷缩在地板上,差不多是哭了出来。他问,是否是时候宣布退出了。卡维尔在地板上踱步,他挥舞着那封信大喊:“乔吉(乔治的昵称)!乔吉!退出是个笨主意。这封信对我们有利。读过它的人都会认为他有人格,有个性!”尽管我欣赏他的“永不言败”的态度,但我比他更要冷静一些。我知道乔治唯一的政治经验是在华盛顿获得的,与我们不一样,他可能真的以为媒体能决定谁有总统相,而谁没有。我问:“乔治,你仍然认为我可以成为一个好总统吗?”他回答,“是的。”“那就站起来,继续开始工作。如果选民想让我退出,他们会在选举日表明态度的。我把这交给他们来决定。”

 

The words were brave, but I was dropping in the polls like a rock in a well. I was already in third place, and it looked as if I might fall into single digits. On Carville’s and Mickey Kantor’s advice, we took out an ad in the Manchester Union Leader containing the full text of the letter, and bought two thirty-minute segments on television to let voters call in and ask me about the charges and whatever else was on their minds. One hundred fifty Arkansans dropped what they were doing and came to New Hampshire to go door-to-door. One of them, Representative David Matthews, had been a law student of mine and one of the strongest supporters of my legislative programs and my campaigns at home. David was an eloquent and persuasive speaker who soon became my chief surrogate after Hillary. After he warmed up the crowd for me at several rallies, I think some people thought he should have been the candidate. Six hundred more Arkansans listed their names and home phone numbers in a full-page ad in the Union Leader, urging New Hampshire Democrats to call them if they wanted to know the truth about their governor. Hundreds of calls were made.

我的话听上去勇敢十足,但在民意调查中我的支持率却像石块掉进井中一般飞速下落。我已经落后到第三位了,似乎我的支持率甚至有可能超不过十个百分点。我听从了卡维尔和米基.坎特的建议,买下《曼彻斯特联合导报》的广告版面,刊登了那封信的全文;并买下两段各30分钟的电视时间,让选民打来电话,就那些指责和任何他们关心的问题来向我提问。150名阿肯色州人放下手头的工作,到新罕布什尔州进行挨家挨户的拜访拉票。在他们其中,州众议员戴维.马修斯曾是我在法学院的学生,是我提交给议会的议案和我在阿肯色州的竞选活动的最坚定的支持者之一。戴维能言善辩、说服力强,很快就成为除希拉里之外我主要的代理人。当他在一些集会上为我预热选民的情绪之后,我觉得一些人已经开始认为他应该做候选人。还有600名阿肯色州人在《曼彻斯特联合导报》的整版广告里列出他们的名字和家庭电话号码,向新罕布什尔州的民主党人建议,如果他们想知道克林顿州长的真实情况,不妨给他们打电话。结果,他们接到了几百个电话。

 

Of all the Arkansans who came to help, no one made a bigger difference than my closest childhood friend, David Leopoulos. After the Flowers story broke, David heard TV commentators say I was finished. He was so upset, he got in his car and drove three days to New Hampshire. He couldn’t afford a plane ticket. When he reached our headquarters, Simon Rosenberg, my young press aide, scheduled him for an interview on a Boston radio station with a large New Hampshire audience. He hit it out of the park, just by talking about our forty-year friendship and making me seem more human. Then he spoke to a gathering of our discouraged volunteers from across the state. When he finished, he had them in tears and full of resolve for the final push. David worked the state for a whole week, doing radio interviews and passing out homemade flyers with pictures of our childhood friends as proof that I was a real person. At the end of his journey, I saw him at a rally in Nashua, where he hooked up with fifty other Arkansans, including Carolyn Staley, my old jazz partner Randy Goodrum, and my grade-school friend Mauria Aspell. The Friends of Bill probably saved the campaign in New Hampshire.

来帮忙的所有阿肯色州人当中,我最亲密的童年伙伴戴维.莱奥普洛斯起到其他人都比不上的作用。弗劳尔斯风波踢爆之后,戴维听到电视评论员说我完蛋了。他急得不得了,马上驾了三天时间的车来到新罕布什尔州。因为机票钱对他来说太贵了。他到达竞选总部之后,我年轻的新闻助手西蒙.罗森堡安排他接受波士顿电台的采访,这个电台拥有广大的新罕布什尔州听众。戴维出色地完成了“任务”,他只是将我们这40年的交情娓娓道来,就似乎使得我更具有人性。随后,他向我们竞选活动中的一群来自新罕布什尔州各地的气馁的志愿者发言。讲完之后,现场每一个人都热泪盈眶,下定决心作最后一博。戴维在新罕布什尔州做了整整一个星期的工作,接受电台采访,派送制作粗糙的传单,上面印着我们童年时代朋友们的合照,证实了我是一个有血有肉的人。一周的时间即将结束的时候,我在纳舒厄的一个集会上见到了戴维,他和另外50个阿肯色州人结成了一伙,包括卡罗琳.斯特利、我的爵士乐老搭档兰迪.古德勒姆和我的小学校友莫里亚.阿斯佩尔。也许是“比尔之友”拯救了我在新罕布什尔州的总统竞选。

 

A few days before the election, I went down to New York for a long-planned fund-raiser. I wondered if anyone would come, even if only to see a dead man walking. As I made my way through the Sheraton Hotel kitchen to the ballroom, I shook hands with the waiters and kitchen workers, as I always did. One of the waiters, Dimitrios Theofanis, engaged me in a brief conversation that made him a friend for life. My nine-year-old boy studies the election in school and he says I should vote for you. If I do, I want you to make my boy free. In Greece, we were poor but we were free. Here, my boy can’t play in the park across the street alone or walk down the street to school by himself because it is too dangerous. He’s not free. So if I vote for you, will you make my boy free? I almost cried. Here was a man who actually cared about what I could do for his son’s safety. I told him that community police officers, who would walk the blocks and know the residents, could help a lot, and that I was committed to funding 100,000 of them.

选举日前几天,我去纽约参加一个筹划已久的筹款会。我揣度着是否会有人来,即便只是来看一看一个选举中的必败之人。我从喜来登酒店的厨房走向舞厅,一路上按一贯的做法与侍者、厨师握手。其中有一个名叫迪米特里奥斯.泰奥法尼斯的侍者和我简短地聊了几句,从此便成为我终身的朋友。“我九岁的儿子在学校里仔细研究了这次选举,他说我应该投你的票。如果我投票选你的话,我希望你能让我的儿子享受自由。在希腊时,我们没有钱,但是我们是自由的。在这里,我儿子不能一个人到街对面的公园玩,也不能一个人独自走路去上学,因为这里治安太差了。他没能享受到自由。因此,如果我投票选你的话,你能让我儿子享受自由吗?”我几乎哭了出来。这个人真心关切我能为他儿子的安全做些什么。我告诉他,我将会安排社区警察在街区巡逻,了解街道的住户,这对解决治安问题是极有帮助的,我还承诺,将为10万名这样的警察提供经费。

 

I was already feeling better, but when I walked into the ballroom, my spirits soared: seven hundred people were there, including my Georgetown friend Denise Hyland Dangremond and her husband, Bob, who had come from Rhode Island to show moral support. I went back to New Hampshire thinking I might survive.

这使我感觉轻松多了,而当我走进舞厅的时候,简直有点飘飘欲仙:厅里聚集了700人,包括我在乔治敦大学的朋友丹尼斯.海兰.丹格雷蒙德和她丈夫鲍勃,他们从罗得岛州赶来表达他们精神上的支持。回到新罕布什尔州,我觉得自己也许能够挺过这一关。

 

In the last few days of the campaign, Tsongas and I had a heated disagreement over economic policy. I had proposed a four-point plan to create jobs, help businesses get started, and reduce poverty and income inequality: cut the deficit in half in four years, with spending reductions and tax increases on the wealthiest Americans; increase investment in education, training, and new technologies; expand trade; and cut taxes modestly for the middle class and a lot more for the working poor. We had done our best to cost out each proposal, using figures from the Congressional Budget Office. In contrast to my plan, Tsongas said that we should just focus on cutting the deficit, and that the country couldn’t afford the middle-class tax cut, though he was for a cut in the capital gain’s tax, which would benefit wealthy Americans most. He called me a pander bear for proposing the tax cuts. He said he’d be the best friend Wall Street ever had. I shot back that we needed a New Democrat economic plan that helped both Wall Street and Main Street, business and working families. A lot of people agreed with Tsongass contention that the deficit was too big for my tax cuts, but I thought we had to do something about the two-decade growth in income inequality and the shift of the tax burden to the middle class in the 1980s.

竞选的最后几天里,我和聪格斯就经济政策发生了激烈的争执。我提出了创造就业机会、提供创业援助、减少贫困人口和减轻收入不平衡的四点计划:在四年内将国家财政赤字减少一半,减少针对最富裕的美国人的财政支出,同时增加针对他们的税收;增加对教育、培训和新技术的投入;扩大贸易范围;适度减少针对中产阶级的税收,大幅降低针对贫穷工人阶级的税收。我们利用国会预算办公室的数据,尽最大可能地对每个提议做了估算。聪格斯的计划恰好相反,他提出,我们应该集中力量减少国家财政赤字,美国无法承受给中产阶级减税,但是他支持降低资本收益税——其受益者是多数富裕人士。就因为我提议减税,他说我是奴颜媚骨,讨好中产阶级选民。他说他将会成为华尔街有史以来最好的朋友。我反驳说,我们需要的是一个新民主党人的经济计划,对金融市场、实业经济、商业企业和工薪家庭都有帮助。许多人同意聪格斯的论点,认为国家财政赤字数目太大,会使得我的减税方案难以施行,但是我认为,对于过去20年间收入不平衡现象的恶化,还有80年代把税收重负转嫁在中产阶级身上的做法,我们必须做点什么。

 

While I was glad to debate the relative merits of our competing economic plans, I was under no illusion that the questions about my character had gone away. As the campaign drew to a close, I told an enthusiastic crowd in Dover what I really believed about the character issue:

尽管我非常乐意就我们各自相抵触的经济计划的利弊展开辩论,我仍然很清醒地意识到,对我人格的质疑并未结束。竞选快要结束时,我在多佛尔市对一群热情的群众谈到我对“人格”这个争议问题的理解:

 

It has been absolutely fascinating to me to go through the last few weeks and see these so-called character issues raised, conveniently, after I zoomed to the top by talking about your problems and your future and your lives.

过去几个星期里我经历的一切,对我来说绝对是引人入胜,正当我因为谈及你们的问题、你们的未来和你们的生活而使我的支持率急剧上升到最高点的时候,所谓的人格问题“不失时机地”被提了出采。

 

Well, character is an important issue in a presidential election, and the American people have been making character judgments about their politicians for more than two hundred years now. And most of the time they’ve been right, or none of us would be here today. I’ll tell you what I think the character issue is: Who really cares about you? Who’s really trying to say what he would do specifically if he were elected President? Who has a demonstrated record of doing what they’re talking about? And who is determined to change your life rather than to just get or keep power? . . .

是的,人格在总统大选中是一个重大的争议性问题,在过去的两百多年里,美国人民一直对美国政客的人格进行评判。大多数时候他们的判断是正确的,否则今天我们没有人会在这里。我将把我对人格问题的看法告诉你们:谁真正关心你们?谁真正尝试讲出口,如果他当选总统,将具体怎么做?谁的政绩明白无误地表明他能说到做到?谁决心要改变你们的生活,而不仅仅是得到权力或保持权力?……

 

I’ll tell you what I think the character issue in this election is: How can you have the power of the presidency and never use it to help people improve their lives till your life needs saving in an election? That’s a character issue. . . .

我将把我对在这次选举中的人格问题的看法告诉你们:假设你拥有总统的权力,却不用这个权力帮助人民改善他们的生活,直到最后,你不得不靠选举来拯救自己的政治生涯,怎么能这样呢?这才是人格问题……

 

I’ll tell you something. I’m going to give you this election back, and if you’ll give it to me, I won’t be like George Bush. I’ll never forget who gave me a second chance, and I’ll be there for you till the last dog dies.

我这么说吧,我不会让你们因选择了我而失望,而且,如果你们选择了我,我不会成为乔治.老布什那样的总统。我永远不会忘记给我第二次机会的你们,我会在你们需要的时候支持你们,鞠躬尽瘁,死而后已。

 

Till the last dog dies became the rallying cry for our troops in the last days of the New Hampshire campaign. Hundreds of volunteers worked furiously. Hillary and I shook every hand we could find. The polls were still discouraging, but the pulse felt better.

在新罕布什尔州竞选活动最后几天,“鞠躬尽瘁,死而后已”成了我们竞选队伍的战斗口号。成百上千的志愿者孜孜不倦的工作。我和希拉里是见到手就抓起来握。民意调查的结果仍旧令人失望,但是人们对我的感觉要好得多了。

 

On election morning, February 18, it was cold and icy. Young Michael Morrison, Jan Paschal’s wheelchair-bound student, woke in anticipation of working a polling place for me. Unfortunately, his mother’s car wouldn’t start. Michael was disappointed but not deterred. He rode his motorized wheelchair out into the cold morning and onto the shoulder of the slick road, then wheeled himself into the winter wind for two miles to reach his duty station. Some people thought the election was about the draft and Gennifer Flowers. I thought it was about Michael Morrison; and Ronnie Machos, the little boy with a hole in his heart and no health insurance; and the young girl whose unemployed father hung his head in shame over the dinner table; and Edward and Annie Davis, who didn’t have enough money to buy food and the medicine they needed; and the son of an immigrant waiter in New York who couldn’t play in the park across the street from where he lived. We were about to find out who was right.

218是新罕布什尔州的选举日,这天早上,气候寒冷刺骨。简.帕斯卡尔的年纪尚幼的学生,需要坐在轮椅里的迈克尔.莫里森刚一睡醒,就想着要去一家投票站为我工作。运气不佳的是,他母亲的车无法发动。迈克尔很失望但是没有被困难吓倒。在冰冷的清晨,他“驾”着装了发动机的轮椅上了打滑的公路的路肩,顶着冬日的风前行了两英里,到达他所负责的投票站。一些人认为选举中的关键是我规避兵役事件和珍妮弗.弗劳尔斯风波。但是,在我看来,选举中的关键是迈克尔.莫里森;是罗尼.马乔斯,那个心脏上有个小洞却没有医保的小男孩;是那个年轻的女孩,她失业的父亲因为羞耻在餐桌上低着头;是爱德华.戴维斯和安妮.戴维斯这对老年夫妇,他们没有足够的钱购买必需的食品和药物;是一个移民纽约的侍者的儿子,他不能到住处对面的公园去玩。谁对谁错,马上就会见分晓。

 

That night, Paul Tsongas won with 35 percent, but I finished a strong second with 26 percent, well ahead of Kerrey with 12 percent, Harkin with 10 percent, and Brown with 9 percent. The rest of the votes went to write-ins. At the urging of Joe Grandmaison, a New Hampshire supporter I’d known since the Duffey campaign, I spoke to the media early, and at Paul Begala’s suggestion said New Hampshire had made me the Comeback Kid. Tsongas had annihilated me in the precincts closest to the Massachusetts state line. From ten miles north into New Hampshire, I had actually won. I was elated and profoundly grateful. The voters had decided that my campaign should go on.

那天夜里,聪格斯获得了35%的选票,我以26%排在第二,与头名差距不大,大大超过克里的12%、哈金的10%和布朗的9%。其他的选票投给了选票上未列名的候选人。在帮助达菲竞选时认识的新罕布什尔州支持者乔.格兰史密斯的催促下,我及早对媒体发表了声明,又按照保罗.贝加拉的建议,在声明中,我称新罕布什尔州使我成了“东山再起的小子”。在紧挨着马萨诸塞州边境线的选区,聪格斯彻底击溃了我。在新罕布什尔州以内向北十英里,我居然赢过了他。我高兴极了,内心怀着对选民的深深感激。选民已经替我决定了,我的总统竞选活动应该坚持下去。

 

I had come to love New Hampshire, to appreciate its idiosyncrasies, and to respect the seriousness of its voters, even those who chose someone else. The state had put me through the paces and made me a better candidate. So many people had befriended Hillary and me and lifted us up. A surprising number of them worked in my administration, and I kept in touch with several more over the next eight years, including hosting a New Hampshire Day at the White House.

我越来越喜欢新罕布什尔州,欣赏它的特有的风格,尊重那里选民的严肃态度,即便是那些没有投票支持我的人。新罕布什尔州检验了我真正的实力,使我成为一个更有机会的候选人。这么多的人以友好的态度对待我和希拉里,并鼓励我们。他们之中,加入我的政府班子的人数多得惊人,在接下来的八年里,我还和另外几个人保持着联系,而且在白宫还专门举办过“新罕布什尔州节日”活动。

 

New Hampshire demonstrated just how deeply the American people wanted their country to change. On the Republican side, Pat Buchanan’s upstart campaign had won 37 percent of the vote, and the Presidents national approval ratings had dropped below 50 percent for the first time since the Gulf War. Although he still led both Paul Tsongas and me in the polls, the Democratic nomination was clearly worth having.

新罕布什尔州的投票结果表明了美国人民多么深切地希望他们的国家发生改变。在共和党那边,半路杀出的帕特.布坎南赢得了37%的选票,布什总统在全国范围的支持率自海湾战争以来第一次低于50%。尽管在民意调查中他仍然领先于聪格斯和我,获得民主党候选人提名还是无疑地值得拥有的。

 

After New Hampshire, the rest of the primaries and caucuses came on at such a pace that the kind of retail politics New Hampshire demands became impossible to replicate. On February 23, Tsongas and Brown were the victors in the Maine caucuses, with Tsongas receiving 30 percent and Brown 29 percent. I was a distant third at 15 percent. With the exception of Iowa, the states with a caucus system drew far fewer people into the delegate-selection process than primaries did. Thus, the caucuses favored candidates with a hard core of intense supporters. They usually, but not always, were more left-leaning than the Democrats as a whole, and well to the left of the general election voters. On February 25, voters in the South Dakota primary gave more support to their neighbors Bob Kerrey and Tom Harkin than to me, though I made a respectable showing on just one trip to a rally at a horse ranch.

新罕布什尔州之后,初选余下的活动和总统竞选预备会议时间挨得特别紧,在新罕布什尔州应用的“零售”政治到了这些地方根本来不及运用。223,聪格斯和布朗是缅因州预备会议的赢家,前者赢得30%的选票,后者得到29%。我以15%排在第三,与他们距离拉得比较大。除了爱荷华州,实行预备会议制度的州吸引来参加代表选举过程的人数,远远低于实行初选制度的州。所以,预备会议对拥有热情的铁杆支持者的候选人格外青睐。一般情况下,但并不总是如此,相对于整个民主党,预备会议的决策要稍微左倾一些,而比大选的选民要左倾得多。225,在南达科他州的初选中,选民对他们的邻居鲍勃.克里和汤姆.哈金的支持率高于我,但是我仅仅出席了在一个马场举行的一次集会,就赢得了选民可观的支持率。

 

March was a big month. It opened with primaries in Colorado, Maryland, and Georgia. I had a lot of friends in Colorado, and former governor Dick Lamm was my Rocky Mountain coordinator, but the best I could do was a three-way split with Brown and Tsongas. Brown got 29 percent, I received 27 percent, with Tsongas right behind at 26 percent. In Maryland, I started out with a strong organization, but some supporters shifted to Tsongas when I dipped in the New Hampshire polls. He defeated me there.

3月是重要的一个月,一开始便是科罗拉多州、马里兰州和乔治亚州的初选。我在科罗拉多朋友很多,前州长迪克.拉姆是我在落基山脉地区的协调人,尽管如此,我也只能做到与布朗、聪格斯三分天下。布朗获得了29%的选票,我是27%,聪格斯以26%紧紧跟随。在马里兰州,我刚开始时获得了有力的支持,但是当我在新罕布什尔州的民意调查中支持率陡然下降的时候,一些支持者转投了聪格斯的阵营。他在这个州击败了我。

 

Georgia was the big test. I hadn’t won a primary yet, and I had to win there, and win convincingly. It was the largest state to vote on March 3 and the first in the South. Zell Miller had moved the primary date up a week, to separate Georgia from the southern Super Tuesday states. Georgia was an interesting state. Atlanta is a diverse, cosmopolitan city, with one of the highest concentrations of corporate headquarters of any other city in America. Outside Atlanta, the state is culturally conservative. For example, despite his great popularity, Zell had tried and failed to get the state legislature to take the Confederate cross off the state flag, and when his successor, Governor Roy Barnes, did it, he was defeated for reelection. The state also has a large military presence, long protected by its congressional leaders. It was no accident that Sam Nunn was chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. When the draft story broke, Bob Kerrey said that when I got to Georgia, the voters would split me open like a soft peanut, a clever hit, because Georgia grows more peanuts than any other state. A couple of days after the New Hampshire vote, I flew to Atlanta. When my plane landed, I was met by Mayor Maynard Jackson, an old friend, and Jim Butler, a prosecuting attorney and Vietnam veteran who smiled and said he was one soldier who didn’t want to split me open like a soft peanut.

乔治亚州是个大考验。我还未赢得过一场初选,必须在这里取得一场胜利,而且要赢得令人信服。它是定在33进行投票选举的最大的州,也是南方最先进行选举的州。州长泽尔.米勒把初选时间提前了一周,与在“超级星期二”进行选举的南方其它各州错开。乔治亚州是一个令人感兴趣的州。首府亚特兰大市是一个多元化的国际大都会,是公司总部最高度聚焦的美国城市之一。除了亚特兰大,州里的其它地方在文化上保守。比如说,受到州民爱戴的泽尔试图让州议会通过议案,把邦联的十字标志从州旗上去掉,他没有成功;他的继任者罗伊.巴恩斯成功了,却因此在竞选连任时失败。这个州进驻的军队也非常多,长期以来一直受到其国会领导人的庇护。所以萨姆.纳恩能成为参议院军事委员会主席,不算是意外。我规避兵役的事件被踢爆后,鲍勃.克里说等我到了乔治亚州,那里的选民会像“剥煮熟的花生一样将我撕开”,这个词用的妙!因为乔治亚州花生的种植量是美国最多的。新罕布什尔州初选结束的两三天后,我飞到了亚特兰大。飞机一落地,我与老朋友梅纳德.杰克逊市长和检察官吉姆.巴特勒会了面,吉姆是一名越战老兵,他微笑着说,他是不打算像“剥煮熟的花生一样将我撕开”的唯一一名士兵。

 

The three of us rode downtown for a rally in a shopping mall. I got onto the stage with a large crowd of prominent Democrats who were supporting me. Before long, the stage built for the occasion couldn’t support all of us; it just collapsed, throwing bodies everywhere. I wasn’t hurt, but one of my co-chairs, Calvin Smyre, an African-American state representative, wasn’t so lucky. He fell and broke his hip. Later, Craig Smith joked to Calvin that he was the only one of my supporters who literally busted his ass for me. He sure did. But so did Zell Miller, Congressman John Lewis, and a lot of other Georgians. And so did a number of Arkansans who had organized themselves into the Arkansas Travelers. The Travelers campaigned in almost every state with a presidential primary. They always made a difference, but they were particularly effective in Georgia. The political press said that to go forward I had to win decisively there, with at least 40 percent of the vote. Thanks to my friends and my message, I won 57 percent.

我们三个人乘车去参加在市中心一家商场举行的集会。我和一大群支持我的知名民主党人一起走上了舞台。很快,临时搭建的舞台承受不住这么多人,它忽然就倒塌了,到处都是跌倒的人。我没有受伤,但是我竞选活动的其中一位主席,州众议院黑人议员卡尔文.斯梅尔就没有这么幸运了。他摔倒在地,髋部骨折了。后来,克雷格.史密斯对卡尔文开玩笑说,他是我的支持者当中唯一确确实实为了我而“摔破屁股”(美国俚语中这个短语也有“拼命干活”的意思)的人。他的确是为了我拼命做工作。而且,泽尔.米勒、众议员约翰.刘易斯和许多其他的乔治亚州人也是如此。还有许多自发组织加入“阿肯色旅行者”的阿肯色州人。“阿肯色旅行者”的足迹几乎遍及了所有实行总统初选制的州。他们总是能够起到改变局势的作用,但是他们在乔治亚州的活动尤其有效。政治媒体说要想继续竞选的话,我必须要在这里获得决定性的胜利,至少要得到40%的选票。多亏了我的朋友和我的执政纲领,我赢得了57%的选票。

 

The following Saturday, in South Carolina, I picked up my second win, with 63 percent of the vote. I had a lot of help from Democratic officials, plus former governor Dick Riley, and friends from Renaissance Weekend. Tom Harkin made a last-ditch effort to derail me, and Jesse Jackson, a South Carolina native, went around the state with him criticizing me. Despite the attacks, and the crass response to them I carelessly made at a radio station in a room with a live microphone, other black leaders stayed hitched. I received a large majority of the black vote, as I had in Georgia. I think it surprised my opponents, all of whom had strong convictions and good records on civil rights. But I was the only southerner, and both I and the Arkansas blacks supporting me brought years of personal connections to black political, educational, business, and religious leaders all across the South and beyond.

接下来的星期六,在南卡罗来纳州,我获得了初选的第二场胜利,得到63%的选票。该州的民主党官员们向我提供了很大的帮助,另外还有前州长迪克.赖利和来自“复兴周末”活动的朋友。汤姆.哈金使用他最后的孤注一掷地想赶我出局,南卡罗来纳州土生土长的杰西.杰克逊随同他一起到全州各地诋毁我。尽管我在一家电台对着处于开启状态的麦克风,粗枝大叶地说了一些愚钝的言语作为对此的回应,此前支持我的黑人领袖也没有转换阵营。与在乔治亚州一样,我赢得了南卡罗来纳州大多数的黑人选票。我想这令我的对手感到惊讶,因为他们都信奉公民权利,并且在这方面有着良好的履历。但是我是候选人中唯一的南方人,我和阿肯色州支持我的黑人把多年来建立的个人关系网扩展到了南方及南方之外的政治、教育、商业和宗教的黑人领袖。

 

As in Georgia, I also got good support from white primary voters. By 1992, most of the whites who wouldn’t support a candidate with close ties to the black community had already become Republicans. I got the votes of those who wanted a President to reach across racial lines to attack the problems that plagued all Americans. The Republicans tried to keep this group’s numbers small by turning every election into a culture war, and turning every Democrat into an alien in the eyes of white voters. They knew just what psychological buttons to push to get white voters to stop thinking, and when they got away with it, they won. Besides trying to win the primary, I was trying to keep enough white voters thinking to be competitive in the South in the general election.

与在乔治亚州一样,在初选中,我也获得了白人选民的大力支持。到1992年其时,不愿意支持与黑人团体关系密切的候选人的大多数白人已经加入了共和党。其他的白人希望出现一位与各个不同的种族联系密切的总统,来动手处理令所有美国人困扰的问题,所以,他们把票投给了我。共和党把每一场选举变成文化战争,把每一个民主党人变成白人选民眼中的异己,力图尽可能降低以上这个人群的数目。他们知道应该去拨动白人选民心中的哪根弦,暂时蒙蔽这些选民的眼睛,只要他们的伎俩侥幸得逞,他们就赢得了竞选。除了尽力赢得初选,我还努力地去保持足够白人选民的思考能力,使得自己将来在与共和党的大选中在南方具备竞争力。

 

After Georgia, Bob Kerrey withdrew from the race. After South Carolina, Tom Harkin did, too. Only Tsongas, Brown, and I headed into Super Tuesday, with its eight primaries and three caucuses. Tsongas defeated me badly in the primaries in his home state of Massachusetts and neighboring Rhode Island, and won the caucuses in Delaware. But the southern and border states made the day a rout for our campaign. In all the southern primariesin Texas, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, Oklahoma, and TennesseeI won a majority of the vote. In Texas, with the help of friends I’d made in the 1972 McGovern campaign and a big majority among Mexican-Americans, I won with 66 percent. In all the other primary states I did better than that, except for Florida, which, after a hotly contested race, went 51 percent Clinton, 34 percent Tsongas, 12 percent Brown. I also won the caucuses in Hawaii, thanks to Governor John Waihee, and in Missouri, where Lieutenant Governor Mel Carnahan endorsed me, despite having his own primary campaign for governor. He won anyway.

乔治亚州的初选之后,鲍勃.克里退出了竞选。南卡罗来纳州的初选之后,汤姆.哈金退出了。只有我、聪格斯、布朗得以挺进“超级星期二”,这天有8个州举行初选和3个州举办总统竞选预备会议。在聪格斯的大本营马萨诸塞州和邻近的罗得岛州的初选中,我被他“扁”得很惨,他还在特拉华州的预备会议中获得了胜利。但是在南方和国境上的各州,我们都取得了足以开庆功会庆祝的胜利。在南方各州——德克萨斯州、佛罗里达州、路易斯安那州、密西西比州、俄克拉何马州和田纳西州——的初选中,我都赢得了决大多数的选票。在德克萨斯州,通过我在1972年麦戈文竞选中结识的朋友的帮助,还有大多数墨西哥裔民众的援手,我得到了66%的选票。在其它所有实行初选制度的州,除佛罗里达州之外,我的支持率比在德克萨斯州还要高;在佛罗里达州,经过白热化的竞争之后,结果是我得票51%,聪格斯34%,布朗12%。另外我还在夏威夷州的预备会议中获胜,这得感谢约翰.韦利州长的帮助,我在密苏里州也赢了,梅尔.卡纳汉副州长表态支持我,尽管他自己正在进行竞选州长的初选活动。不管怎么说,他最后也赢了。

 

After Super Tuesday, I had just a week to cement my strategy of building an insurmountable lead in Illinois and Michigan. Only a month earlier, I had been in free fall, with all the media experts predicting my demise. Now I was in the lead. However, Tsongas was still very much alive. On the day after Super Tuesday, he quipped that, because of my strong showing in the southern primaries, he would consider me as his vice-presidential running mate. The next day he, too, was in the Midwest, questioning my character, my record as governor, and my electability. For him the character issue was the middle-class tax cut. A new poll showed that around 40 percent of the American people also doubted my honesty, but I doubted that they were thinking about the tax issue.

“超级星期二”之后,我只有一周的时间来巩固竞选策略,我计划在伊利诺伊州和密歇根州取得压倒性胜利。仅仅一个月前,我的支持率还处在加速下落状态,所有的媒体专家都预测我将出局。现在,我却处于领先地位。然而,聪格斯仍然还有机会。“超级星期二”的第二天,他讥讽我说,鉴于我在南方的初选中表现如此强劲,他将考虑选我做副总统候选人。第二天,他在中西部,又对我的人格、我作为州长的履历提出质疑,甚至怀疑我是否在全国范围内与共和党的候选人有得一拼。在他看来,我的人格的问题是承诺为中产阶级减税。新的民意调查显示,大约40%的美国人也怀疑我的诚实,但是我不能认为他们是怀疑我在税收政策上是否诚实。

 

There was nothing to do but stick to my strategy and press on. In Michigan, I visited the small town of Barton, near Flint, where a large majority of the residents had come from Arkansas, looking for jobs in the auto industry. On March 12, I spoke in Macomb County, near Detroit, the prototypical home of the Reagan Democrats, voters who had been lured away from our party by Reagan’s anti-government, strong-defense, tough-on-crime message. In fact, these suburban voters had begun voting Republican in the 1960s, because they thought the Democrats no longer shared their values of work and family, and were too concerned with social programs, which they tended to see as taking their tax money and giving it to blacks and wasteful bureaucrats.

没有别的办法,我只有坚持自己的策略,咬着牙关顶着上。在密歇根州,我访问了弗林特附近的小镇巴顿,那里的决大部分居民来自阿肯色州,指望在汽车业中谋一份差事。312,我在底特律附近的马科姆县发表了演讲,那里简直就是里根派民主党人的大本营,选民们都受里根反对管制、加强国防、严打犯罪的政纲吸引,背离了我们民主党。事实上,这些城郊的选民从60年代开始就支持共和党,因为他们认为民主党不再与他们共享工作和家庭价值观,还认为民主党对社会计划过于热衷,他们觉得这是把他们缴纳的税款转手交给黑人和挥霍成性的官吏。

 

I told a full house at Macomb County Community College that I would give them a new Democratic Party, with economic and social policies based on opportunity for and responsibility from all citizens. That included corporate executives earning huge salaries without regard to their performance, working people who refused to upgrade their skills, and poor people on welfare who could work. Then I told them we couldn’t succeed unless they were willing to reach across racial lines to work with all people who shared those values. They had to stop voting along the racial divide, because the problems are not racial in nature. This is an issue of economics, of values.

我对马科姆县社区学院里满屋子的人说,我将向他们呈现一个全新的民主党,经济政策和社会政策以人人享有机遇、个个承担责任为基点。这里的“人人”和“个个”,包括无论表现好坏都拿高薪的企业管理者、拒绝提高技能的工人和有工作能力却领取救济的穷人。随后,我对他们说,我们不可能成功,除非他们愿意与不同种族的人建立纽带,与所有共享相同价值观的人一起工作。他们必须停止根据种族界限来投票的做法,因为这些问题本质上与种族无关。它们纯粹是经济问题,是价值观问题。

 

The next day, I gave the same message to a few hundred black ministers and other activists at the Reverend Odell Jones’s Pleasant Grove Baptist Church in inner-city Detroit. I told the black audience, many of whom had Arkansas roots, that I had challenged the white voters in Macomb County to reach across the racial divide, and now I was challenging them to do the same, by accepting the responsibility part of my agenda, including welfare reform, tough child-support enforcement, and anti-crime efforts that would promote the values of work, family, and safety in their neighborhoods. The twin speeches got quite a bit of attention, because it was unusual for a politician to challenge Macomb County whites on race or inner-city blacks on welfare and crime. When both groups responded strongly to the same message, I wasn’t surprised. In their heart of hearts, most Americans know that the best social program is a job, that the strongest social institution is the family, and that the politics of racial division are self-defeating.

第二天,底特律内城区,在奥德尔.琼斯牧师的“快活林浸礼会教堂”里,我把同样的政纲传达给了几百名黑人牧师和其他一些激进分子。我对这些黑人听众——其中许多人有阿肯色州的背景——说,我曾经鼓动马科姆县的白人选民跨越种族之间的分界线,现在,我也同样鼓动他们,通过接受我的国家大计中的责任,包括福利改革、加大力度施行儿童抚养计划和努力防治犯罪,这些计划将推动他们所在社区的人民群众对工作、家庭和安全等价值观的认同。这两场内容相似的演讲吸引了大量的注意力,因为一个政客公然对马科姆县白人在种族方面的观念提出异议,对市中心贫民区黑人在福利和犯罪方面的观念提出不同看法,这是很不寻常的事情。两个地方的人对同样的政纲产生了强烈反应,我对这一点并不感到意外。在内心深处,大多数美国人知道最好的社会计划是工作,最强大的社会组织是家庭,种族分化的政治无异于自我拆台。

 

In Illinois, I visited a sausage factory with black, Hispanic, and Eastern European immigrant employees to highlight the company’s commitment to giving all employees who hadn’t finished high school access to a GED program. I met a new citizen from Romania who said he would cast his first vote for me. I worked in the black and Hispanic communities with two young activists, Bobby Rush and Luis Gutierrez, both of whom would later be elected to Congress. I toured an energy-efficient housing project with a young Hispanic community leader, Danny Solis, whose sister Patti went to work for Hillary in the campaign and has been with her ever since. And I marched in Chicago’s St. Patrick’s Day parade, to the cheers of supporters and jeers of opponents, both enhanced by the beer that was in ample supply at bars along the parade route.

在伊利诺伊州,我参观了一家香肠制造工厂,工人中有黑人、西班牙裔和东欧移民,公司致力于向所有没有完成高中学业的员工提供参加普通教育水平计划的机会。我遇到来自罗马尼亚的一位新公民,他说将把他的第一张选票投给我。我和两个积极分子博比.拉什和路易斯.古铁雷斯,一起在黑人和西班牙裔社区里发动选民,他们两个后来都当选为国会议员。我和一个年轻的西班牙裔社区的领导人丹尼.索利斯一起参观了一个节能的住宅区,他的妹妹帕蒂在竞选中为希拉里工作,从此就一直跟随着她。我还加入了芝加哥圣帕特里克节的游行行列,支持者为我喝彩,反对者对我嘲讽,游行路线两旁的酒吧里供应了充足的啤酒,所以,这两种叫喊的声音也提高了不少。

 

Two days before the election, I debated Paul Tsongas and Jerry Brown on television in Chicago. They knew it was make-or-break time, and they went after me. Brown grabbed the spotlight with a harsh attack on Hillary, saying that I had steered state business to the Rose firm to increase her income and that a poultry company her firm represented got special treatment from the Department of Pollution Control and Ecology because of her. The charges were ridiculous and the vehemence with which Jerry made them angered me. I explained the facts, as I had done when Frank White attacked Hillary’s law practice in the 1986 governor’s race. The Rose firm had represented the State of Arkansas in the bond business since 1948. It represented the state against the utilities that wanted Arkansas to pay for the Grand Gulf nuclear plant. Hillary had all legal fees paid by the state deleted from the firm’s income before her partnership share was calculated, so she didn’t receive any benefit from them, as even rudimentary research would have shown. Moreover, there was no evidence that the Rose firm’s clients secured special favors from any state agency. I shouldn’t have lost my temper, but the charges were plainly baseless. Subconsciously, I suppose I also felt guilty that Hillary had been forced to defend me so much, and I was glad to be able to rise to her defense.

选举日前两天,在芝加哥城,我和保罗.聪格斯、杰里.布朗进行了电视辩论。他们清楚这是成败在此一举的时候,所以他们向我“开火”。布朗首先吸引了所有人的注意,他猛烈抨击希拉里,他说我操控阿肯色州的企业找罗斯律师事务所做代理,目的是增加希拉里的收入,另外,由于希拉里的缘故,罗斯律师事务所代理的一家家禽公司得到了来自“污染控制与生态部”的特殊照顾。这些指控荒唐可笑,杰里咄咄逼人地提出这些指控使我着恼。我解释了实际的情况,我采取了在1986年州长竞选中面对弗兰克.怀特对希拉里律师工作的指控时同样的对策。自从1948年起,罗斯律师事务所一直代表阿肯色州政府处理债券交易。阿肯色州公用事业公司要求阿肯色州政府承担大海湾核电站的费用,在这场官司中罗斯律师事务所也担任了州政府的代理。在计算她的合伙人分红之前,希拉里已经让人把州政府偿付的律师费从律师事务所的收人中扣除,所以她没有从中获得任何经济利益,最基本的调查就可以证明这一点。另外,没有任何证据显示罗斯律师事务所的客户从任何州立机构得到了特殊照顾。我不应该发脾气,但这些指控根本就是无中生有。潜意识里,我想我是觉得有些内疚,因为希拉里被迫多次为我辩护,我很高兴自己能够奋起为她辩护一回。

 

Everyone who knew her knew she was scrupulously honest, but not everyone knew her, and the attacks hurt. On the morning after the debate, we were shaking hands at the Busy Bee Coffee Shop in Chicago when a reporter asked her what she thought of Browns charges. She gave a good answer about trying to have both a career and a family life. The reporter then asked if she could have avoided the appearance of a conflict. Of course, that’s exactly what she did and what she should have said. But she was tired and stressed. Instead, she said, I suppose I could have stayed home and baked cookies and had teas, but what I decided to do was fulfill my profession, which I entered before my husband was in public life. And I’ve worked very, very hard to be as careful as possible, and that’s all I can tell you.

了解她的人都知道她是一个处事严谨、诚实的人,但并不是每个人都了解她,而且这些指控太伤人了。电视辩论后第二天,我们在芝加哥“大忙人咖啡馆”与群众握手打招呼,一个记者问她如何看待布朗的指控。她回答得很巧妙,说她是想事业和家庭兼顾。记者随后问她是否能避免冲突的出现。当然能,她就是这样做的,她也应该这样回答这个问题。但是当时她又疲劳又紧张。她回答说:“我想我可以待在家里,烤烤饼干,喝喝茶,但是我决心做好我的律师工作,在我丈夫成为公众人物之前我就已经开始这份工作了。我非常非常努力,尽可能做到小心谨慎,我要告诉你的就是这些。”

 

The press picked up the tea and cookies remark and played it as a slam on stay-at-home mothers. The Republican culture warriors had a field day, portraying Hillary as a militant feminist lawyer who would be the ideological leader of a Clinton-Clinton administration that would push a radical feminist agenda. I hurt for her. Over the years, I don’t know how many times I’d heard her champion the importance of ensuring choices for women, including the choice to stay home with their children, a decision most mothers, single and married, simply couldn’t afford anymore. Also, I knew she liked to bake cookies and have her women friends for tea. With one off-the-cuff remark, she had given our opponents another weapon to do what they did bestdivide and distract the voters.

媒体揪出“烤烤饼干,喝喝茶”这几个字,硬把它们说成是对家庭主妇的苛刻批评。共和党的文化斗士抓住了一个“好”机会,说希拉里是好斗的女权主义律师,可以成为“克林顿夫妇政府”的意识形态领袖,推行激进的女权主义计划。我替她感到难受。多年以来,我不知道听她说过多少遍确保妇女选择权的重要性,包括在家照看孩子这项选择,大多数母亲,无论是已婚还是单身,因为要养家,她们只是不再有能力做出这样的选择。还有,我知道她喜欢烤饼干,招待她的女性朋友喝茶。她只不过随兴地说了一句话,却被我们的对手抓住把柄,做他们最在行的事情——分化选民,转移他们的注意力。

 

It was all forgotten the next day when we won in Illinois, Hillary’s home state, with 52 percent to 25 percent for Tsongas and 15 percent for Brown, and in Michigan, with 49 percent to 27 percent for Brown and 18 percent for Tsongas. If Browns attack on Hillary had any effect, it probably hurt him in Illinois. Meanwhile, President Bush handily defeated Pat Buchanan in both states, effectively ending his challenge. Although the division in the Republican ranks was good for me, I was glad to see Buchanan defeated. He had played to the dark side of middle-class insecurity. For example, in one southern state he visited a Confederate cemetery but wouldn’t even walk across the street to visit the black cemetery.

第二天,这一切都被忘得一干二净,因为我们在希拉里的老家伊利诺伊州和密歇根州都取得了胜利,在伊州,我的得票率是52%,聪格斯25%,布朗15%,在密州,我获得了49%的选票,布朗27%,聪格斯18%。如果布朗对希拉里的抨击产生了任何效果,那很可能是使他在伊利诺伊州的得票受损。与此同时,老布什总统轻而易举地在这两个州击败了帕特.布坎南,有力地结束了他提出的挑战。尽管共和党阵营里的分裂态势对我有利,看到布坎南被击败,我仍然感到高兴。他的竞选策略令中产阶级更加感到不安全感。比如,在南方一个州,他拜谒了一个联邦士兵的墓地,却不愿意走到街对面去拜谒黑人的墓地。

 

After a great celebration in Chicago’s Palmer House Hotel, complete with Irish green confetti in honor of the holiday, we got back to business. On the surface, the campaign was in great shape. Underneath, things weren’t so clear. One new poll showed me running even with President Bush. Another, however, showed me well behind, even though the Presidents job approval had dropped to 39 percent. A survey of Illinois voters as they left their polling places said half the Democrats were unhappy with their choice of presidential candidates. Jerry Brown was unhappy, too. He said he might not support me if I won the nomination.

在芝加哥帕尔默豪斯酒店举行了盛大的庆祝仪式,享用了爱尔兰的节日绿色糖果后,我们又开始了竞选工作。表面上看,竞选形势是一片大好。其实形势并不明朗。一项新的民意调查显示我和老布什总统平起平坐;另一项却显示我落后得多,尽管总统的施政支持率已经降至39%。伊利诺伊州的选民离开投票站的时候接受调查,一半的民主党人并不满意党派选出来的总统候选人。杰里.布朗也很不开心;他说如果我获得提名的话,他可能不会支持我。

 

On March 19, Tsongas withdrew from the campaign, citing financial problems. That left Jerry Brown as my only opponent as we headed toward the Connecticut primary on March 24. It was assumed I would win in Connecticut, because most of the Democratic leaders had endorsed me, and I had friends there going back to my law school days. Though I campaigned hard, I was worried. It just didn’t feel good. The Tsongas supporters were mad at me for driving him from the race; they were going to vote for him anyway or switch to Brown. By contrast, my supporters had a hard time getting stirred up, because they thought I had the nomination in the bag. I was worried that a low turnout could cost me the election. That’s exactly what happened. The turnout was around 20 percent of the registered Democrats, and Brown beat me, 37 to 36 percent. Twenty percent of the voters were die-hard Tsongas supporters who stood by their man.

319,聪格斯声称由于财务困难,退出了竞选。所以在324康涅狄格州初选即将到来之际,我只剩下杰里.布朗一个对手了。大家都想当然地认为我会在康涅狄格州取胜,因为大多数民主党领导人都表态支持我,我在那里也有法学院时期结识的朋友。尽管我很努力地活动,我还是很担心。就是有一种不妙的感觉。聪格斯的支持者对我把他从竞选中请出局非常恼火;他们一定还会投票支持他或者转向布朗。而相比之下,我的支持者很难调动起积极性,因为他们觉得我获得提名如探囊取物。我担心低投票率将让我输掉这个州的初选。果然不出所料。投票的人大约只占已登记民主党人的20%,布朗以37%对36%击败了我。20%的选民是聪格斯的铁杆支持者,他们把票都投给了他。

 

The next big test was in New York on April 7. Now that I had lost in Connecticut, if I didn’t win in New York, the nomination would be in danger again. With its tough, insatiable twenty-four-hour news cycle and its rough-and-tumble interest group politics, New York seemed to be the ideal place to derail my campaign.

接下来的大考验是47纽约州的初选。现在我已经在康涅狄格州输了,如果在纽约州不能赢的话,我获得总统提名就会再次面临危险。在纽约州,新闻24小时循环播出,媒体不依不饶、永不罢休,利益集团政治方针混乱无序,如果有人想让我的竞选戛然而止的话,这里是最合适的地方。

 

                               

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