重庆打黑运动进行得如火如荼，并将推出纪实性书籍和电影。无论如何，这场运动，注定将载入中国史册。
CHONGQING — On the afternoon of July 8, 2010, Wang Lijun, the tall, bespectacled police chief of this southwestern Chinese municipality, ordered the writer Huang Jiren to police headquarters immediately for a meeting.
在中国的西南部，有一个叫做重庆的直辖市。2010年7月8日，一个戴眼镜、高个子的男人下达了一个命令，要求作家黄济人马上参加市公安局总部的一个会议。这个男人，正是重庆市公安局局长：王立军。
.Mr. Wang, 52, an ethnic Mongolian, had led the 2009 campaign to smash Chongqing’s criminal gangs on the orders of Bo Xilai, the city’s Communist Party secretary. Mr. Bo, whose former power base was the northeastern province of Liaoning, had brought Mr. Wang to Chongqing after getting to know him in Liaoning, where he had made his reputation fighting crime. His Mongolian name, Wuen Bart, means Truth Hero.
王立军，年52，蒙古族人，2009年奉重庆市市委书记薄熙来之命，部署领导了“重庆打黑”行动。当年，薄熙来在自己的势力根据地辽宁省相中王立军这匹“千里马”。于是，当薄熙来受任重庆市市委书记时，王立军也追随自己的伯乐至此。而正是在重庆，他立身扬名，成为一代“打黑英雄”。正如他的蒙文名字乌恩巴尔特所示，他是一个“真正的英雄”。
The previous morning, Chongqing’s former deputy police chief and top justice official, Wen Qiang, had been executed for corruption, rape and shielding mafias. Mr. Wen’s was just the most prominent of more than 1,000 arrests in the continuing anti-crime campaign in this municipality of 32 million.
而就在王立军下达命令的前一天，亦即7月7日早上，重庆市前公安局副局长、司法局局长文强因犯受贿罪、强奸罪和包庇黑社会性质组织罪，数罪并罚被执行死刑。迄今，“重庆打黑”行动已抓获罪犯1000余名，文强只是其中位居高列的一个。而这也只是一个开始，在这个拥有3千2百万人口的城市，打黑之战仍在继续。
When Mr. Huang arrived at police headquarters, he said, Mr. Wang got straight to the point. “Wen Qiang is no more. He has been ‘made ancient,”’ he said, using a literary euphemism for “dead.” Then he said what he — and, Mr. Huang assumed, his boss Mr. Bo — wanted.
据黄济人事后回忆，7月8日这一天，当他到达公安局总部后，王立军直入主题，对他说：“文强已经作古，再也没有这号人物了。”随后，王立军把自己的要求告诉了他。但黄济人的推测是，这其实是王立军的上司——薄熙来的要求。
Mr. Huang, who is chairman of the Chongqing Writers Association, and three other writers were to produce a four-volume official history of the campaign that had transfixed the city and much of the nation for a year. It was to be factually correct but dramatically written. After that, there would be a “Godfather”-style movie — Mr. Huang’s description — and a television series. A report last March by Xinhua, the state news agency, had predicted a May publication date, but vetting procedures have proved arduous, and Mr. Huang said a December release was now more likely. Major companies have representatives in Chongqing vying for the contract, but it would probably go to Masses Publishing House, part of the Ministry of Public Security.
身为重庆作家协会主席，黄济人将联合另外三名作家，为这场震惊全国的打黑行动打造一部重量级作品。这部著作长达四卷，将以最生动的笔触，记录最真实的情况。在这之后，还将制作一套连续剧，以及一部“教父”式（黄济人的描述）的电影。据新华社在去年三月所作的预示，这部书本应在今年5月出版。但由于审查过程步履维艰，黄济人认为12月出版的可能性比较大。为了夺得此书的出版权，很多出版公司都在重庆部署了代表，但最后的赢家，应该还是直属公安部的群众出版社。
Chongqing’s ordinary cops can hardly wait. Mr. Wang and Mr. Bo are local heroes for their aggressive action in smashing the gangs that ran the city for years, with 30 billion renminbi, or $4.7 billion, in annual loan-sharking businesses, as well as gambling, prostitution and other activities extending deep into daily life, officials said.
没能参与打黑行动的重庆公安们都对此书的出版翘首以待。他们说，重庆深受黄、赌侵害，黑帮横行多年，放高利贷高达300亿人民币（及47亿美元）。而王立军和薄熙来此番铁拳打黑，一扫横行多年的帮派组织，已经成为重庆的本土英雄。
“We all know it’s going to be excellent,” said Huang Shu, a Chongqing police officer, of the planned movie. “We heard they wanted Johnnie To to direct it,” he said, referring to the Hong Kong crime movie director.
对于即将开拍的电影，重庆公安黄书这样评价：“我们都知道这部片会非常好看，还听说会让杜琪峰来导。”杜琪峰是香港著名的警匪片导演。
In fact, the leading contender now is Li Shaohong, the woman who made “Baober in Love” and a recent TV series of the classic Chinese novel “Dream of Red Mansions.”
不过现在更热门的猜想是女导演李少红，她的代表作是电影《恋爱中的宝贝》和最近很火的一部电视剧《红楼梦》。
Yet the book is the main thing, said Mr. Huang, citing its importance as the definitive account of the anti-crime campaign, much like the official histories Chinese emperors would commission of their rule.
不过黄济人说，真正的重头戏还是书，因为只有书才能把这场打黑运动最详尽地记录下来。从古至今，中国的统治者都有这一传统，要用史书来为自己的统治立传。
In an interview in Chongqing last month, Mr. Huang said: “Bo Xilai wants to record who was holding the umbrellas” — providing political protection — “for the mafia.”
黄济人在上个月的一场采访中说过：“薄熙来想要记下，到底是什么人，在为黑帮提供保护伞。”
“It was officials,” said Mr. Huang.
“是官员。”他说道。
Mr. Huang’s contribution focuses on Mr. Wen and is titled “A Spent Arrow,” from a Chinese saying about how even the strongest arrow must eventually fall from the sky.
黄济人负责的部分命名为“强弩之末”，这个中国成语意思是：即使是最强的弓射出的箭，最后也会从天空衰落。而该部分的主角，正是文强。
Mr. Huang said that Mr. Wang told him that city leaders knew the rot did not stop at Chongqing. “He said, ‘This anti-mafia campaign is only a first phase. We haven’t entered the deep waters yet.”’
黄济人更透露，王立军曾告诉他重庆高层也清楚这个城市的毒牙还没彻底拔光，用王立军的原话讲就是：”这场打黑运动不过是个开始，我们还没深入到真正的浑水里呢。“
As for the identity of those “deep waters,” Mr. Huang said, “I don’t know,” adding, obliquely, that there were powerful economic interests in China, often run by the children of top cadres.
而至于那些”浑水“指的是谁，黄济人说：”我不知道“，但同时他又隐晦地表示，在中国，有一些经济集团势力雄厚，而这些大多都是由高官子弟操控的。
More than three decades of rapid economic growth in a deeply networked society within a politically opaque state have produced flourishing mafias, said Kerry Brown, head of the Asia Program at Chatham House, a research organization in London.
查达姆研究所（Chatham House, 英国皇家国际事务研究所)亚洲部主管凯利布朗（Kerry Brown)则认为：中国政治体系模糊，社会关系网复杂，近30年来经济又飞速增长，种种情况，都为黑帮势力的滋长提供了温床。
“It’s not like there is a national boss like the Japanese yakuza boss,” said Mr. Brown. Yet, there are “circles within circles,” and almost every leading politician would be implicated, he said.
在布朗看来，中国的黑帮势力”并不像日本那样，有一个总头目“，但是它”一环套着一环“，环环紧扣，几乎牵连着中国所有的头目。
“The party’s view is, ‘You’re never going to get rid of rats, you just have to control them. You’re never going to get rid of the mafia, so you have to get them to work for you,”’ he said.
布朗认为共产党采取的态度是：除鼠不如控鼠，除不如用。
Mr. Wang laid down strict guidelines for the authors of “The Chongqing Anti-Mafia Campaign Series.” “Don’t make Wen Qiang out to be all bad,” he told Mr. Huang. Objectivity and fairness were essential, because “only the truth has authority.”
王立军为”重庆打黑运动丛书“的作者们立下了一些严格的创作原则。他叮嘱黄济人：”不要把文强写得十恶不赦。最重要的是客观和公正，因为只有真相才最具说服力。”
The writers were given access to any suspect they wanted, and to any file, many stamped “Top Secret.” The book was to be written with an eye to posterity, and only objectivity and truth could ensure that, Mr. Wang said.
在创作过程中，所有信息都对作者们开放，包括很多打着“顶级机密”标签的文件。黄济人解释道，这本书是为了警示后人而写的，要做到这一点，就必须保证它的客观和真实。
For Mr. Huang, that was a relief. A delegate to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a national advisory body, he is no stranger to politics, and he had feared that the campaign might merely be a power play against Mr. Wen and his established networks by Mr. Bo, who had taken over in Chongqing in December 2007.
作为中国人民政治协商会议的代表之一，黄济人早已熟谙政治。因此，他一开始也担心过，这场打黑运动不过是又一场权力斗争，是2007年12月刚刚接管重庆的薄熙来对“地头蛇”文强及其势力的打压。而如今，他终于松了一口气。
“When I heard that, I thought, This anti-crime campaign isn’t just a vendetta,” said Mr. Huang. “It has the air of policy about it.”
他说：”了解到这次的创作要求后，我觉得，这场运动大概是政府的意思，和个人恩怨无关。”
Once the campaign was under way, he said, Mr. Wang received letters from ordinary people around China begging him to smash their local mafias.
他也透露，这场运动展开后，王立军收到无数来信，在这些信中，来自全国各地的平民百姓乞求王立军也能到他们的地方扫黑。
How many mafias are there? “I don’t know,” said Mr. Huang. “More than a thousand.”
重庆到底有多少黑帮？ 黄济人的回答是：“不清楚，大概上千个吧。”
