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户籍制度使得中国的城市化没能催生中产阶级

译者: 20986110 原作者:Nate Berg
发表时间:2012-03-01浏览量:2982评论数:3挑错数:0
来自《大西洋月刊》:中国的城市化为何不能催生中产阶级?其罪魁祸首在于户籍制度。在户籍制度得以改变之前,中国很难出现广大的、拥有较强购买力的中产阶级。呼吁中产阶级!扩大中产阶级!
Why China's Urbanization Isn't Creating a Middle Class

 

The rapid rate of development in China manifests itself most clearly in its cities. With some populations rising into the tens of millions, China’s cities are the economic powerhouses of the country, and are helping to create a whole new era of financial prosperity. For some observers, this translates into 1.3 billion people who now have the money to afford the sort of commercial goods many of the country’s factories had previously been producing for the affluent populations of other countries. China is seeing its own affluence rise, and some surmise that this will translate into a Western-style nation of relatively well-off consumers; that, as this report from the McKinsey Global Institute suggests, China’s middle class is emerging to help propel the country’s economic success even higher.

中国城市的发展之快,从其日新月异的变化中,可见一斑。一座座人口超千万的巨型城市拔地而起,城市已成为了中国经济发展的中坚力量,并正逐渐开启一个繁荣昌盛的新纪元。一些观察家们认为,这意味着13亿人手中有了越来越多的可支配收入,也能够负担得起那些原本为其他富裕国家的人们生产的产品。中国的崛起有目共睹,有人认为中国人将会逐渐向西方人一样拥有较强的购买力。麦肯锡全球研究院的报告显示,中国的中产阶级正在逐渐形成,为中国经济的进一步发展助上一臂之力。

The only problem is that this middle class doesn’t actually exist. And unless decades-old rules change, it won't.

 但现实是,中国根本不存在这个新增的中产阶级!而且,除非废除数十年以来的统治弊端,否则中产阶级也不会出现在中国。

In a recent paper published in the journal Eurasian Geography and Economics, geographer and University of Washington professor Kam Wing Chan argues that all of the country’s urban growth and prosperity is not actually filtering down to the majority of the rising urban population. The reason is that the majority of the urban population is prevented from fully participating in the booming urban economy because of a Mao-era rule that draws a harsh line between those from urban areas and those from rural ones.

 在最近一篇发表在欧亚地理学与经济学杂志上的文章中,地理学家、华盛顿大学教授陈金永指出,剧增的城市居民们并没有从中国城市经济的繁荣与增长中分得一杯羹。其原因在于,绝大多数的城市居民都未能搭上城市经济高速增长的快车,因为毛泽东时代留下的旧习,城市人与农村人早已是泾渭分明了。

Established in 1958, hukou establishes a two-tiered population structure of rural and urban citizens. Urban citizens are given access to social services and welfare programs, including public education and affordable housing. Rural residents are not. Status is hereditary, meaning that once a family is in one tier it will always remain in that tier. This has been a problem for many rural residents who want to leave their agricultural lifestyles to earn the higher wages in cities working in factories or construction, but who are faced with slum-like living conditions and an effective low ceiling over their social and economic mobility.

 1958年设立的户籍制度,将人口结构划分为城市与农村两大阵营。城市人享受着相对优越的公共服务与社会福利,包括公共教育以及住房补贴。而农村人口则享受不到。并且,户口是世袭的。你的家人是什么户口,你就是属于这个户口的。对于那些想离开农村,在城市中找寻工资更高的工作例如做基建或则去工厂做工的人来说,这一直是一个巨大的问题。它困扰着这些本来就已经在城市里住着贫民窟似的房子的人们,像一个巨大的天花板压制着他们的社交和经济活力。

Chan says it is this system of official discrimination that has enabled China to experience such economic growth – and what makes it unlikely that the second-class citizens will be able to become the sort of consumerist middle class outsiders are predicting.

 陈教授认为,这是一种官僚主义作风下的歧视与不平等,尽管它对中国经济的高速增长功不可没。但这也使得人们可以预见,中国可能不会出现所谓的中产阶级。

“I would argue that this is one of the most powerful forces creating the modern global economy that we see,” says Chan. “There’s 150 million super-exploitable, very young migrant workers in China. And this is all very much created by the hukou system.”

“ 我认为这是,到目前为止,发展现代经济中创造出的最强有力的体制”, 陈教授如是说。“现在中国的城市里,有1.5亿年轻的外来务工人员。而这都是拜户籍制度所赐!”

He points to Shenzhen, where only about 3 million of its roughly 14 million residents have urban hukou classification.

 例如深圳,他指出,在1400万常住人口里,只有300万人拥有深圳户口。

“After a quarter century of development, it still remains very much a migrant city. It’s very, very young. 60 percent of the population is between 15 and 35. When you compare that with the general age profile of all the cities, it’s very extraordinary,” Chan says. “What that means is that they can come here to work in their youthful years and they can stay in the dormitories, but if they want to raise a family, they’re going to face a tremendous amount of difficulties.”

“在经历了25年的蓬勃发展之后,深圳仍然是一个以外来人口为主的城市。它仍然是个年龄结构非常年轻的城市,60%的人口年龄分布在15到35岁之间。较之与其他的年龄结构正常的城市,你会发现,这一点是极不寻常的,” 陈教授认为。“这就意味着,当你年轻的时候,你可以在这里工作,住在这个城市里。可是如果你想要在这里组建一个家庭,各种各样的困难将会迎面而来。”

“At some point, some of them will be so-called ‘voluntarily’ forced out of the city. They will go back home, back to the countryside.”

 “有时候,也有些人会“被自愿"离开这个城市,回到他们的农村老家。”

Chan says this reality flies in the face of suggestions that China will soon have a broad middle class with a huge spending power.

 陈教授说,这就是赤裸裸的现实,像一盆冷水一样,浇在那些认为中国即将迎来拥有较强购买力的中产阶级的人脸上。

But the system is changing, slowly. New rules were recently announced by the central government that lift some of the restrictions that prevent rural migrants from gaining permanent residency rights, a move Chan sees as at least a small sign of hope. The new rules allow migrants, under certain circumstances, to apply for residency permits in medium- and small-sized cities. The 40 largest cities – places like Beijing, Shanghai, Shenzhen – are not included. And though Chan says these newly lifted restrictions are a positive change, he also notes that it’s mostly symbolic.

 但是,这一体制,正缓慢而悄然地发生着变化。最近,政府发布了一些列新的条例,减少了一些会限制农村户口的人们在城市享有永久居住权的旧规。这一举措,被陈教授视为,可以燎原的星星之火。新条例还允许,在特定情况下,申请中小城市的居留证。而四十个诸如北京、上海、深圳等大城市则不在列。不过陈教授也指出,这些看似在变的新政策,虽然是积极的,而其更重要的作用,只不过是一个象征性的举措罢了。

“There’s not really a lot of jobs in smaller cities. So it’s not exactly targeting the areas that it’s really needed and where there’s large numbers of migrants. Like Beijing, easily you have several million migrants,” Chan says.

 “小城市里真的没有什么工作好提供的。所以其定位并不是那些诸如北京、上海之类的真正需要,并且可以轻而易举地吸引数以百万计的外来务工人员的城市”

And the smaller cities also have fewer resources and are therefore unable to offer high levels of urban welfare and public services – benefits of having permanent resident status in a city.

 而小城市的资源本身也很有限,不可能提供较好的公共服务与社会福利--那些大城市的居民才能享受的到的待遇。

“There’s not really much to offer by having a small town hukou status,” Chan says.

陈教授认为, "有一个小县城的户口并不能真正提供给你什么。”

The rule change may create benefits in some cities, says Chan, but even those will not come quickly. It can often take years for such rule changes to be implemented.

 其实户籍制度的改革可以给许多城市带来很多好处,可是即便在这些城市,其变革进展也是相当缓慢,陈教授说。从提出改革到真正实现,往往要耗费十几年。

Until the hukou system is dramatically changed in job-rich big cities, the hundreds of millions of rural migrants who have come to China’s emerging cities will remain officially removed from the stunning pace of economic development there. If a middle class is emerging in China, they almost certainly will not be part of it.

 在那些工作需求量大的城市的户籍制度得以变更之前,数以亿计的外来务工人员仍然会被遗落在城市繁荣与发展的外围。即便中国真的出现了中产阶级,他们也不可能成为其中的一份子。

Photo credit: Joe Tan / Reuters

 图片来自: Joe Tan / Reuters

相关译文来自无觅插件
Raymond
2012-03-02 15:38
资源往中小城市转移才是正途
Raymond
2012-03-04 22:53
The Chinese name of "Kam Wing Chan" in the article "为何中国的城市化没有 催生中产阶级" should be "陈金永“. (2012-03-01).
In the 2nd paragraph, this sentence: "但现实是,中国根本不存在所谓的中产 阶级" would be more accurately translated as "但现实是,中国不存在这个新 增的中产阶级"
jiantou
2012-03-04 23:18
Raymond
The Chinese name of \"Kam Wing Chan\" in the article \"为何中国的城市化没有 催生中产阶级\" should be \"陈金永“. (2012-03-01). In the 2nd paragraph, this s...
>> 但现实是,中国不存在这个新 增的中产阶级

但现实是,中国不存在这样一个(新形成的,但不必重复)中产阶级
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